Discrimination on the grounds of race, colour, descent or national or ethnic origin is considered illegal by German law.
With regard to the political culture, there are several parties which express racist and xenophobic statements and sentiments. Besides NGO activities against racism, the Federal Government of Germany has implemented and established different kinds of programmes, institutions and policies opposing racism and related ideologies.

Clear
  • Anti-discrimination Legislation & Implementation

    The constitutional article No. 3 of the Basic Law (Grundgesetz, GG) and the Federal General Equal Treatment Act (AGG), transposing the EU directive 2000/43 and other EU equality directives, prohibit unequal treatment due to, among other characteristics, someone’s race or ethnic origin.

    • Is racial discrimination defined in national law?

      Yes, partly.

      Qualitative Info

      German law does not contain an explicit definition of racial discrimination in conformity with article 1.1. ICERD; the ratification of ICERD has not entailed any legal amendments.
      The constitutional article 3 GG prohibits differential treatment due to one’s sex, descent, race, language, home or origin, faith, religion or belief; moreover it prohibits discrimination on the grounds of disability.
      In addition, the federal General Equal Treatment Act (AGG), transposing the EU directive 2000/43 and other EU equality directives, contains a definition of unequal treatment (indirect and direct discrimination) due to, among other characteristics, someone’s race or ethnic origin.


      Source:

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Muslims
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Religious minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers
      • Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender
      • Persons with disability

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Anti-discrimination
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Is there a definition of discrimination on the grounds of race, ethnic origin and/or religion in national law in conformity with the EU Directives?

      Yes.

      Qualitative Info

      The General Equal Treatment Act (AGG) contains in article 3 definition of direct and indirect discrimination as well as harassment and instruction to discrimination in compliance with the requirements laid down by the two EU directives 2000/43 and 2000/78.

       


      Source:

      • General Equal Treatment Act (Allgemeines Gleichbehandlungsgesetz, AGG), 14.08.2006.

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Muslims
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Religious minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers
      • Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender
      • Persons with disability

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Anti-discrimination
      • Anti-racism
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Does the national law cover all grounds of discrimination as in the International Conventions and EU law or additional discrimination grounds?

      Yes.

      Qualitative Info

      The AGG covers the following grounds of discrimination in the sphere of labour law: race, ethnic origin, sex/gender, age, disability, sexual identity, religion or belief (art. 1 AGG).
      In the sphere of civil law (e.g. access to goods and services, housing) discrimination is banned on the same grounds, the only exception being the grounds of belief (art. 19 (1) AGG).
      This ban on discrimination in civil law only refers to ‘civil-law obligations which (1) typically arise without regard of person in a large number of cases under comparable conditions (bulk business) or where the regard of person is of subordinate significance on account of the obligation and the comparable conditions arise in a large number of cases; or which (2) have as their object a private-law insurance’.
      Discrimination due to one’s ethnic origin/race is prohibited by the Act also beyond these ‘bulk business’ limitations, which makes the ban on ethnic discrimination the most comprehensive one.

      Note: The federal state of Berlin is currently in the process of discussing and drafting a state antidiscrimination bill, which may also cover the characteristic of ‘social status`.

       



      Source:

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Muslims
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Religious minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers
      • Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender
      • Persons with disability

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Anti-discrimination
      • Anti-racism
      See other countriesSee indicator history
  • Anti-racist Crime Legislation & Implementation

    The German Penal Code applies to offences committed with racist motives the same way as it applies to a respective crime without such a motivation.
    Yet, the penal code contains one article on incitements to hatred (hate speech), which bans crimes that are directed against national, racial, ethnic or religious groups (or individual members of these groups).

    • Is there legislation against racist and hate crime?

      Yes, partly.

      Qualitative Info

      In the criminal code, there are no provisions that refer explicitly to racist or hate crime. German penal code applies to offences committed with racist motives the same way as it applies to a respective crime without such a motivation. The general article 46 (2) of the Criminal Code (Strafgesetzbuch, StGB) mentions the ‘perpetrator’s motives’ as one among several factors to be considered when determining the sentence in court, though without an explicit reference to racist or other prejudice-related motives. Hence, racist motives can, but do not have to be considered by the judge.
      Only article 130 StGB on incitements to hatred (hate speech) bans crimes that are directed against national, racial, ethnic or religious groups (or members of these groups).Article 130 was recently amended in order to comply with the minimum requirements laid out by the Framework Decision 2008/913/JHA and the CoE Additional Protocol to the Council of Europe Convention on Cybercrime.

       



      Source:
      Criminal Code (Strafgesetzbuch, StGB), http://www.gesetze-im-internet.de/bundesrecht/stgb/gesamt.pdf (accessed on 09.12.2011).
       

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Policing - law enforcement
      • Anti-racism
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Is there a legal definition of racist-hate crime?

      No.

      Qualitative Info

      The penal code does not contain explicit provisions on hate crime (except for hate speech, art. 130 StGB) and, hence, no definition of hate crime is provided in the law. However, the police use the category of hate crime when initially registering an offence as a sub-category of politically motivated crimes (Criminal police reporting system, KPMD-PMK). As a consequence, hate crimes can only be recorded as such when a political motivation is assumed by the police; thus every-day racism does generally not fall within this category and remains undocumented. According to the official definition, politically motivated criminal acts are recorded as hate crimes ‘if taking into consideration the circumstances of the act and the attitude of the perpetrator(s), indicators occur which imply that the crime was directed against a person because of his/her political attitude, nationality, ethnicity, race, skin colour, religion, belief, origin, sexual orientation, disability, outward appearance or social status’; an act is also classified as hate crime if it is directed – in a similar motivational context – against ‘an institution or an object’ (Federal Parliament). As the KPMD-PMK statistics also differentiate between extreme right-wing and extreme left-wing crimes as well as politically motivated crimes committed by foreigners, hate crimes are (at least internally) classified according to these categories. The vast majority of hate crimes is recorded under politically motivated right-wing offences.

       


      Source:
      German Federal Parliament (Deutscher Bundestag), Ausländerfeindliche und rechtsextremistische Straftaten in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland im September 2009, printed matter 17/46, 20.11.2009.
       

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Anti-discrimination
      • Anti-racism
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Is there a legal definition of hate speech?

      Yes.

      Qualitative Info

      While the category of hate speech is not explicitly used in German criminal code, art. 130 StGB is considered a hate speech provision as it bans incitement to hatred against national, racial, ethnic or religious groups or members of these groups (art. 130 (1) StGB); this provision also bans the purposeful violation of the dignity of the members of these groups through insults and defamation as well as public dissemination of such material. Moreover, article 130 bans holocaust denial (art. 130 (3) StGB) and the public glorification or justification of the NS regime (in a way that violates the dignity of the victims, art. 130 (4) StGB). Article 166 StGB bans insults (that are suitable of hampering the public order) towards a religion, its adherents, organisations and customs.

       


      Source:

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Muslims
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Religious minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Anti-racism
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Are there legal definitions of racist incident and racist violence?

      Yes.

      Qualitative Info

      The above mentioned police registration system on politically motivated crimes (KPMD-PMK) and, among those, hate crimes, operates with the two subcategories of xenophobic and anti-Semitic crimes. Thus, data are available on all recorded politically motivated hate crimes committed with a xenophobic motivation and an anti-Semitic motivation respectively. However, publicly available data are largely limited to politically motivated right-wing (i.e. extreme right-wing) crimes deemed to be xenophobic or anti-Semitic respectively. These data are also broken down by certain categories of crimes (e.g. violent crimes, propaganda offences).

       


      Source:

      • Peucker, Mario/ Bosch, Nicole (2007), Ethnic Discrimination and Xenophobia in Germany - Annual Report 2006, p. 74.

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Anti-racism
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Is there a legislation penalising, or prohibiting the establishment of, organisations which promote, incite, propagate or organize racial discrimination against an individual or group of individuals? Is membership of such organisations treated as an offence under the law?

      Yes.

      Qualitative Info

      Article 129 StGB bans the establishment and operation of any criminal organisation set up with the purpose of (or which is mainly occupied with) committing crimes; political parties are excluded from this provision. Sole membership, if only a subordinate role is played, may remain unpunished.  Article 129a StGB bans the establishment of, and membership in, a terrorist organisation, which is defined as any organisation that seeks to commit homicide, genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes or a number of other serious crimes (listed in art. 129a) or to do harm to or threaten the political, constitutional, economic or social basic structures of the state. The support of any such organisations is also banned. Relevant criminal legislation is also covered in art. 86 and 86a StGB which ban the public use and display of any symbols of organisations that are considered to be anti-constitutional. In addition to these criminal law provisions, the federal ministry of the interior and the respective state ministries can ban organisations and associations on the basis of article 9 (2) Basic Law (Grundgesetz, GG) in conjunction with the Act on Private Associations (par. 3) if the organisation's purpose or activities are officially considered to be violating criminal law or to be aimed against the constitutional principles or the principle of positive relation between the peoples of the world. This act has been used several times also to ban right-wing extremist organisations. The legal threshold for banning a political party is very high in Germany, only the Federal Constitutional Court can declare a party ban (Federal Constitutional Court Act) – and only if the party is not only seeking to overcome the constitutional principles of the state (freedom and democracy), but does so actively and aggressively.

       


      Source:

      Federal Constitutional Court Act (Gesetz über das Bundesverfassungsgerichts, BVerfGG), http://www.gesetze-im-internet.de/bverfgg/(accessed on 09.12.2011).
      Act on Private Associations, (Gesetz zur Regelung des öffentlichen Vereinsrechts), http://www.gesetze-im-internet.de/vereinsg/index.html (accessed on 09.12.2011).

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Policing - law enforcement
      • Political discourse -parties - orgs
      • Anti-discrimination
      • Anti-racism
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Is there an independent assessment of the impact of anti-racist legislation and its application in practice?

      No.

      Qualitative Info

      No, there are no such systematic mechanisms in place, which is also related to the fact that there is no comprehensive anti-racist legislation. The latest, but out-dated statistics on the number and proportion of convictions in cases of extreme-right wing crimes can not be regarded as a suitable way to assess the application of legislation in response to racist crimes.  Several NGOs, especially those specialised on supporting victims of right-wing violence, have been publicly commenting on the police's and the courts' acknowledgement of allegedly racist motives in the investigation of offences and in the courtroom (e.g. Opferpersektive, ReachOut).

      In 2006, the Federal Office of the Public Prosecutor published data on investigations launched and closed in the context of 'right-wing extremist and/or xenophobic' offences in the years 2001, 2002 and 2003. These figures indicate a low conviction rate: Of the 19,120 initiated investigations, 17,832 were closed with only 2,334 resulting in a conviction (13.1%) (German Federal Parliament 2006). Figures on the number of convictions based on article 130 StGB (incitement) are available for the years 2000-2004, presented in the latest German CERD report (CERD 2008, p. 25), though no information on the conviction rates are available. In relation to the aforementioned number of investigation procedures launched by the public prosecutor (German Federal Parliament 2006), the conviction rate for alleged cases of incitement (art. 130 StGB) rate is approximately 10%.

       


      Source:
      UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) (2008), Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under article 9 of the Convention: International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination: concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination: Germany, CERD/C/DEU/CO/18, 22.09.2008.

      German Federal Parliament (Deutscher Bundestag), printed matter 16/1353, 27.04.2006.

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Muslims
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Religious minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Anti-discrimination
      • Anti-racism
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Is there an estimate or evidence that hate crime cases/incidents are under-reported disproportionately in relation to other crimes?

      Yes.

      Qualitative Info

      While robust evidence on the disproportionate extend of under-reporting among victims of hate crimes compared to the general average is lacking, both governmental bodies and civil society organisations assume that under-reporting is particularly widespread among ethnic minorities and immigrants. The Second Periodic Security Report, jointly compiled and published by the federal Ministries for Justice (BMJ) and of the Interior (BMI), states that immigrants are more often victims of right-wing attacks, but are less likely to report criminal offences to the police (BMI/BMJ 2006, p. 414). This is confirmed by the experiences of specialised NGOs offering support to victims of right-wing crimes (cf. Wendel 2007). Empirical research studies, in particular large-scale surveys, support these experiences: According to the findings of a large-scale survey among high-school students, crimes committed by a German perpetrator targeting a migrant victim are the least likely (18.9%) to be reported to the police (compared to any other victim-perpetrator constellation) (Baier et al. 2010, p. 321). The EU-MIDIS results also highlighted the very high level of under-reporting of victimisation among Turkish and ex-Yugoslavian migrants in Germany (ENAR 2009, p. 210).

       


      Source:
      European Network against Racism (ENAR), FRA 2009 Annual Report, September 2009.

      Federal Ministriy for Justice (Bundesministerium der Justiz, BMJ)/ Federal Ministry of the Interior (Bundesministerium des Innern, BMI), Second Periodic Security Report (Zweiter Periodischer Sicherheitsbericht), November 2006.

      Wendel, Kay (2007),  Rechte Gewalt – Definitionen und Erfassungskriterien, online document available at: http://www.opferperspektive.de/Chronologie/624.html (accessed on 12.12.2011).

      Baier et al. (2010), Kinder und Jugendliche in Deutschland : Gewalterfahrungen, Integration, Medienkonsum: Zweiter Bericht zum gemeinsamen Forschungsprojekt des Bundesministeriums des Innern und des KFN (KFN-Forschungsbericht; Nr.: 109). Hannover: KFN, http://www.kfn.de/versions/kfn/assets/fob109.pdf (accessed on 12.12.2011).
       

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Religious minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Anti-racism
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Is policing reported to be adequate in terms of combating racist violence/hate crime effectively?

      No.

      Qualitative Info

      Policing racist violence and hate crime is characterised by its strong focus on politically motivated crimes and, more specifically, on offences committed by perpetrators formally or informally affiliated with the extreme right-wing milieu. This narrow understanding has been criticised by several international bodies, such as ECRI (2009) the UN Special Raporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, who described it as a 'conceptual flaws' (UN General Assembly 2010, p. 10). The UN Special Rapporteur also urged the German government to provide training to, among others, police officers on identification and characterisation of hate crimes (UN General Assembly 2010, p. 2).

       


      Source:

      European Commission on Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) (2009), Fourth Country Report on Germany – fourth monitoring cycle.

      United Nations General Assembly/Human Rights Council (2010) Report of the Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerances, Githu Muigai. Mission to Germany.
       

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Policing - law enforcement
      • Anti-discrimination
      • Anti-racism
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Is the judiciary reported to be adequately and effectively combating racist violence/hate crime?

      No.

      Qualitative Info

      The judiciary's response to racist violence and hate crime is hampered by the lack of legal hate crime provisions and the deficiently narrow understanding of racism as phenomena primarily related to right-wing extremism (ECRI 2009, p. 30). According to the UN Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, the narrow understanding of racism (see above) prevails in many relevant institutions, including the police and the courts (UN General Assembly 2010, p. 17). ECRI (2009) recommended in its fourth country report on Germany that more efforts are necessary to 'provide training to police officers, prosecutors and judges on issues pertaining to the implementation of criminal legislation addressing racism and racial discrimination'. Such efforts should 'ensure that all offences with racist motivations, whether or not they fall into the category of extremist crimes, are properly identified and dealt with as racially motivated offences' (ECRI 2009, p. 15). While robust data on the operational readiness/capacity and effective persecution of racist/hate crime by judicial system are lacking, these international reports suggest substantial weakness of the judicial response to racist violence and hate crimes, not only but especially in cases where the perpetrator is not regarded as affiliated with the extreme right-wing scene.

       


      Source:

      European Commission on Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) (2009), Fourth Country Report on Germany – fourth monitoring cycle.

      United Nations General Assembly/Human Rights Council (2010) Report of the Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerances, Githu Muigai. Mission to Germany.
       

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Policing - law enforcement
      • Anti-racism
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • In the context of hate crime, is racist motivation treated as an aggravating circumstance?

      No.

      Qualitative Info

      Racist motives are not explicitly mentioned as an aggravating factor to be considered by the court when determining the sentence. This has been an issue of concern and has been criticised by international bodies such as the UN (CERD and the Special Rapporteur on Racism) and ECRI on various occasions (e.g. UN 2010, ECRI 2009).  Section 46 StGB on the principles of determining the sentence contains, however, a general reference to the perpetrator's motives as one of several factors that should be taken into account. While defendable data on the use of this section in the context of racist hate crimes are not available, there is anecdotal information that judges tend to consider a racist motivation in cases of (attempted) homicide more than in cases of less severe crimes (e.g. bodily harm).

       


      Source:
      European Commission on Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) (2009), Fourth Country Report on Germany – fourth monitoring cycle.

      United Nations General Assembly/Human Rights Council (2010) Report of the Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerances, Githu Muigai. Mission to Germany.

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Muslims
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Religious minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Policing - law enforcement
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • If there is a legal provision on racist motivation as an aggravating factor, how often is it applied? What kind of sanctions/penalties are issued?

      No data available.

      Qualitative Info

      Defendable data on the application of article 46 StGB for hate crimes is not available.

      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Does national legislation provide specific sanctions against public servants reported as perpetrators of racist violence/hate crime?

      No.

      Qualitative Info

      No such provision in place.

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Anti-discrimination
      • Anti-racism
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Have public servants been reported as being perpetrators of racist violence/hate crime?

      Yes.

      Qualitative Info

      In its fourth country report on Germany, ECRI criticised the 'lack of an independent investigation mechanism to deal with complaints against the police' in the context of possible racist misconduct. According to ECRI, 'this gives rise to increased speculation as to a possible racist context, in particular in cases where members of visible minorities have died while in police custody' (ECRI 2009, p. 8). Amnesty International (AI 2004) published a report in early 2004 highlighting problems of misconduct within the police forces, migrants being particularly often the victim of such violent misbehaviour. These accusations have been backed up by the NGO Aktion Courage, which published a report on police misconduct towards foreigners, presenting a compilation of 70 such cases recorded between 2000 and 2003 (Aktion Courage 2004). The annual report of the Commissioner for the Armed Forces in Germany usually contains statistics on the number of 'special incidents' with an alleged extreme right-wing or xenophobic background. In 2009, 122 such incidents were recorded, most of them were described as propaganda offences (e.g. Hitler Salute, playing right-wing extremist/xenophobic music, xenophobic comments or smearing); in 2009, cases of violence were not recorded in this category. (Federal Parliament 2010)

       


      Source:

      Aktion Courage (2004), Polizeiübergriffe auf Ausländerinnen und Ausländer in Deutschland 2000-2003, Press release, 13.01.2004.

      Amnesty International (AI), Erneut im Fokus - Vorwürfe über polizeiliche Misshandlungen und den Einsatz unverhältnismäßiger Gewalt in Deutschland, Country Report Germany, 14.09.2004.

      European Commission on Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) (2009), Fourth Country Report on Germany – fourth monitoring cycle.

      Germany Federal Parliament (Deutscher Bundestag), Unterrichtung durch den Wehrbeauftragten, printed matter 17/900, 16.03.2010.

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers

      Type (R/D)

      • Anti-migrant/xenophobia
      See other countriesSee indicator history
  • Political Parties-organisations - Racist & Xenophobic Discourse

    There are several parties which express racist and xenophobic statements and sentiments. The most prominent one is the “National Democratic Party of Germany”, NPD, which is represented in parliaments of two Länder. The German Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution reported 225 right-wing extremist organisations and associations of several persons in 2011.

    • Are there political parties that express racist or xenophobic sentiments/discourse in the form of hate speech or promote an anti-migrant and/or anti-minority agenda?

      Yes, there are political parties in Germany that express racist or xenophobic sentiments/discourse in the form of hate speech or promote an anti-migrant and/or anti-minority agenda. Yet, no such political party is represented in the German government or German parliament in 2012.

      Represented in government/parliament? Not represented in the German government/parliament. Yet, represented in two state parliaments.

      Qualitative Info

      Yes, there are political parties in Germany that express racist or xenophobic sentiments/discourse in the form of hate speech or promote an anti-migrant and/or anti-minority agenda. The most prominent one is the “National Democratic Party of Germany”, NPD (Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands, NPD).
      Yet, whereas no such political party is represented in the German government or German parliament in 2012, the right-wing extremist political party NPD is represented in the state parliament of Saxony as well as in the state parliament of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. In the Saxon state parliament, the NPD has been represented by eight members since 2009. In the state elections of 2011 the candidates of the NPD obtained 5.6 percent of the votes. Five delegates, who represent 6 percent of votes, have been constituting NPD´s state parliamentary group in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania since the last election in 2011.
      Even though represented in both state parliaments, the NPD is not involved in the state governments. At the local level, especially in the eastern states of Germany, the NPD has several municipal mandates.

      The democratic parties in Germany have for years been discussing initiating a ban of the NPD. A first attempt to ban the NPD failed in 2003. Again, the submission of a NPD ban request to the Constitutional Court is at the top of the agenda in the German parliament. On 10 December 2012, the Minister-Presidents of the Länder agreed to submit a second NPD ban request to the Constitutional Court. On 14 December 2012 the Federal Council decided to submit the request to the Constitutional Court .

      In 2010, the right-wing extremist attitudes of the NPD were especially targeting Muslims, as the German Office for the Protection of the Constitution has reported. Furthermore, all groups defined as migrant groups, ethnic or religious minorities are affected by the right-wing policies of the NPD due to their anti-migrant and anti-minority agenda. Besides migrants groups, also gay and lesbian, homeless and disabled people are affected by the policies of the party.

       


      Source:

      1. Peucker, Mario / Camp, Joseph / Lechner, Claudia (2010), RAXEN 2010. Thematic Study: Racist and related hate crimes in the EU. Germany. Bamberg: european forum for migration studies (efms).
      2. Speit, Andreas (2010), NPD-Politiker Pastörs – Urteil wegen Volksverhetzung bestätigt. Available at: http://www.taz.de/!60024/, Accessed on 29.08.2011.
      3. Verfassungsschutzbericht 2010, available at: http://www.verfassungsschutz.de/download/SHOW/vsbericht_2010.pdf, Accessed on 07.12.2011.
      4. Wolf, Joachim (2007): Die aktuelle NPD-Verbotsdebatte. Eine Chronologie. Available at: http://www.bpb.de/themen/AEUQ3P,0,Die_aktuelle_NPDVerbotsdebatte.html, Accessed on 30.08.2011.
      5. Saxon State Parliament (Sächsischer Landtag), Fraktionen, http://www.landtag.sachsen.de/de/abgeordnete_fraktionen/fraktionen/index.aspx. Accessed on 29.08.2011.
      6. Saxon State Parliament (Sächsischer Landtag), Wahlergebnis, http://www.landtag.sachsen.de/de/landtag/wahlen_gesetzgebung/148.aspx, Accessed on 29.8.2011.
      7. State Parliament Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (Landtag Mecklenburg-Vorpommern), http://www.landtag-mv.de/landtag/fraktionen.html, Accessed on 07.12.2011.
      8. State Parliament Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (Landtag Mecklenburg-Vorpommern), http://www.landtag-mv.de/landtag/wahlen-wahlergebnisse/landtagswahl-2006/wahlergebnisse-auf-landesebene.html, Accessed on 07.12.2011.
      9. Federal Agency for Civic Education (Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung), Background information, ‘Ministerpräsidenten für NPD Verbot’, available at: http://www.bpb.de/politik/hintergrund-aktuell/150988/ministerpraesidenten-fuer-npd-verbot, Accessed on 13.01.2013.
      10. Federal Council (Bundesrat) ‘Länder beschließen neues NPD- Verbotsverfahren’, published on 6.12.2012, available at: http://www.bundesrat.de/cln_227/nn_6898/DE/service/thema-aktuell/12/20121214-NPD-Verbot.html?__nnn=true, Accessed on 13.01.2013.

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Muslims
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Religious minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers
      • Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender
      • Persons with disability

      Type (R/D)

      • Anti-migrant/xenophobia
      • Anti-semitism
      • Islamophobia
      • Afrophobia
      • Arabophobia
      • Anti-roma/zinghanophobia
      • Religious intolerance
      • Nationalism

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Political discourse -parties - orgs
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Parties that express xenophobic discourse in the form of hate speech or promote an anti-migrant and/or anti-minority agenda

      There are several parties in Germany that express xenophobic discourse in the form of hate speech or promote an anti-migrant and/or anti-minority agenda

      Parties NPD, DVU, REP, Pro Deutschland, Pro NRW, Pro Köln Size - Membership 7.300 (estimations by the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution) Electoral power no electoral power at the national level

      Qualitative Info

      “National Democratic Party of Germany” NPD (Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands)


      The most prominent party in Germany that expresses xenophobic discourse in the form of hate speech or promotes an anti-migrant and/or anti-minority agenda is the “National Democratic Party of Germany”, NPD (Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands, NPD). From a political point of view, the NPD does not have enough power to make political decisions which could influence rights of particular groups such as migrants or minorities. In the two state parliaments where the NPD is represented, it only constitutes a small part of the opposition. Yet, this should not gloss over the fact that the political propaganda of the NPD may incite ethnic, religious or other kind of hatred between the majority population and different minority groups in Germany. For example, the NPD declares every person who is not an ethnic German to be an “alien element” (Fremdkörper) and wants to deprive them of the right to live in Germany (BVerfS 2010, p.72). Moreover, the party propagates a strict line of “repatriation of migrants“ (Ausländerrückführung (ibid., p.73). Following an anti-Islamic orientation, the NPD also provides promotional material supporting the 2009 Swiss prohibition of minarets.
      The democratic parties in Germany have for years been discussing initiating a ban of the NPD. The first attempt to ban the NPD failed in 2003. The submission of a NPD ban request to the Constitutional Court is now at the top of the agenda in the German parliament. On 10 December 2012, the Minister-Presidents of the Länder agreed to submit a second NPD ban request to the Constitutional Court. On 14 December 2012 the Federal Council decided to submit the request to the Constitutional Court.


      “German People´s Union“ DVU (Deutsche Volksunion)


      The DVU is not represented in the national parliament or in any of the state parliaments. Due to internal conflicts and financial problems, the party´s capacity to act is severely limited. Responding to these problems the DVU and the NPD decided to unite under the name “NPD – The People´s Union” (NPD – Die Volksunion) in January 2011. To date, according to German law, the fusion of both parties is illegal (BVerfS 2010, p.96-98; BT 2011a, p.1). Nevertheless, the 2009 report of the German Office for the Protection of the Constitution acknowledged that the DVU is able to stir up fears in the German population when speaking about “foreign infiltration” (Überfremdung) and “Islamisation” (Islamisierung) (BVerfS 2009, p.105-106).

       


      “The Republicans“ REP (Die Republikaner)


      The REP celebrated some electoral successes in 1989 and in the 1990s when the party entered the European parliament (1989) and the state parliaments of Berlin (1989) and Baden-Wuerttemberg (1992 and 1996).The party has increasingly been losing the support of voters since the end of the 1990s. At the national level, the REP was never voted into parliament (Edathy/Sommer 2009, p.46; Kailitz 2009, p.116). From a political point of view, the party has been more or less powerless since 2000. Nevertheless, the REP should not be dismissed when analysing the political right-wing milieu in Germany. The party has been drawing attention to itself through repeated right-wing extremist remarks, particularly at the local level. The risk of hate speech by the REP therefore exists, despite the party’s weak political impact. Based on the evaluation of Edathy and Sommer (2009), the REP represents the “new radical right”: a movement with an anti-migrant attitude and radically free-market thinking. Other parties in Europe which belong to this movement are the Austrian “FPÖ”, the Norwegian “Fremskrittspartiet” or the “Vlaams Belang“ from Belgium. The German “pro”-parties which are mentioned in the next section constitute a second representation of this right-wing populist milieu (Edathy/Sommer 2009, p.45). The REP is characterized by a distinct xenophobic orientation. Today the Party aspires to establish a homogeneous society and fights mainly against a supposed Islamisation of Europe (ibid., Kailitz 2009, p.120).

       


      Citizens´ Movements “pro… ”: “pro Cologne”, “pro NRW”, “pro Germany” (Bürgerbewegungen: pro Köln, pro NRW, pro Deutschland)


      The citizens´ movement “pro Cologne” was established in 1996 in form of an association (NRW VerfS 2010, p.58). Later, the association “pro NRW” emerged from the movement. After its establishment in February 2007, the members of “pro NRW” decided to transform the association into a local party seven months later (Arbeitsstelle Neonazismus 2010, p.13-14). According to the association, the pro-movement at a national level – “pro Germany”, which is registered as a political party was founded in January 2005(ibid., p.19). The association “pro Cologne” and both political parties, “pro NRW” and “pro Germany” are standing or will stand in upcoming local and national elections. Therefore, these citizens´ movements are analysed as political parties in this section.


      Pro Cologne:

      After the local election in 2009 “pro Cologne” is represented in seven City Councils (e.g. in Cologne, Bonn and Leverkusen) and four County Councils with one to five delegates (Arbeitsstelle Neonazismus 2010, p.17).


      Pro NRW:

      The state election of North Rhine-Westphalia in 2010 was a defeat for “pro NRW”. The party only received around 1 percent of citizens´ votes and was therefore not voted into the state parliament (NRW VerfS 2010, p.73-74). Since the 2009 local elections, three members of “pro NRW” are representing the party in the City Council of Gelsenkirchen. Moreover, one member has a mandate in the City Council of Lemgo (Arbeitsstelle Neonazismus 2010, p.17).


      Pro Germany:

      In September 2011, “pro Germany” stood in the election of the Berlin House of Representatives. This was the first election in which citizens could vote for the party.
      The “pro”- associations are not equipped with enough comprehensive political power in the form of mandates in councils or parliaments to shape policy according to their ideas. Moreover, none of the “pro”- movements have many or influential followers to achieve future electoral successes. On the other side, the “pro”- associations, especially “pro Cologne”, got a lot of attention at the local level because of protests and campaigns against constructions of mosques and minarets, e.g. in Cologne-Ehrenfeld (Arbeitsstelle Neonazismus 2010, p.11). Although the movement at first stirred animosity against certain minorities such as prostitutes, refugees or drug addicts, “pro Cologne” and the other “pro”-movements now almost exclusively focus on campaigning against Islamisation. Slogans like “Freedom instead of Islam” (Freiheit anstatt Islam) or “Occident in the hands of Christians” (Abendland in Christenhand) reveal the nationalistic and racist attitudes of the pro-associations. The Islam has become the proclaimed enemy (NRW VerfS 2010, p.69. The movement caused a national scandal in September 2008, when they organised an Anti-Islamisation-Congress in Cologne. Right-wing extremists and populists from all over Europe were invited to speak at the congress. However, after great protests against the event, it had to be cancelled (Edathy/Sommer 2009, p.52-53). The members of the “pro”- associations are mainly former members of other parties and organisations, such as the NPD, the REP or the “German League for the Nation and Homeland” DLVH (Deutsche Liga für Volk und Heimat) and aim to foster fears and spread prejudices against Muslims (NRW VerfS 2010, p.61). This danger may not be neglected.

       


       

      Source:

      1. Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg (2011): Wahlen in Berlin am 18. September 2011 – Bericht der Landeswahlleiterin / Statistischer Bericht B VII 2 - 3 – 5j / 11. Available at: http://www.wahlen-berlin.de/historie/Wahlen/SB_B7-2-3-j05-11_BE.pdf , Accessed on 31.08.2010.
      2. Arbeitsstelle Neonazismus / Forschungsschwerpunkt Rechtsextremismus und Neonazismus der Fachhochschule Düsseldorf (2010): Rechtspopulismus in Gestalt einer „Bürgerbewegung“. Struktur und politische Methodik von PRO NRW und PRO DEUTSCHLAND. Available at: http://www.laga-nrw.de/data/expertise_rechtspopulismus_2010.pdf , Accessed on 31.08.2011.
      3. Deutscher Bundestag (2011a): Drucksache 17/4780. Available at: http://dipbt.bundestag.de/dip21/btd/17/047/1704780.pdf, Accessed on 29.08.2011.
      4. Deutscher Bundestag (2011b): Drucksache 17/5102. Available at: http://dipbt.bundestag.de/dip21/btd/17/051/1705102.pdf, Accessed on 31.08.2011.
      5. Edathy, Sebastian / Sommer, Bernd (2009): Die zwei Gesichter des Rechtsextremismus in Deutschland – Themen, Machtressourcen und Mobilisierungspotentiale der extremen Rechten. In: Braun, Stephan / Geisler, Alexander / Gerster, Martin (editors): Strategien der extremen Rechten. Hintergründe – Analysen – Antworten. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, p. 45-57.
      6. Kailitz, Steffen (2009): Die Deutsche Volksunion und die Republikaner: Vergleichende Betrachtungen zur Entwicklung und zum ideologischen Profil. In: Braun, Stephan / Geisler, Alexander / Gerster, Martin (editors): Strategien der extremen Rechten. Hintergründe – Analysen – Antworten. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, p.109-129.
      7. Kießling, Andreas (2008): Das Parteiensystem Bayerns. In: Jun, Uwe / Haas, Melanie / Niedermayer, Oskar (editors): Parteien und Parteiensysteme in den deutschen Ländern. Wiesbaden, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, p.125-146.
      8. Peucker, Mario / Camp, Joseph / Lechner, Claudia (2010): RAXEN 2010. Thematic Study: Racist and related hate crimes in the EU. Germany. Bamberg: european forum for migration studies (efms).
      9. Pfahl-Traughber, Armin (2006): Situation in Deutschland: Rechtsextremistische Parteien in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Available at: http://www.bpb.de/themen/F793P0,0,0,Rechtsextremistische_Parteien_in_der_Bundesrepublik_Deutschland.html, Accessed on 31.08.2011.
      10. Pro Deutschland / Pro Berlin: http://www.pro-berlin.net/?p=3594, Accessed on 31.08.2011.
      11. Speit, Andreas (2010): NPD-Politiker Pastörs – Urteil wegen Volksverhetzung bestätigt. Available at: http://www.taz.de/!60024/, Accessed on 29.08.2011.
      12. Verfassungsschutzbericht des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen 2010, available at: http://www.mik.nrw.de/fileadmin/user_upload/Redakteure/Verfassungsschutz/Dokumente/Verfassungsschutzbericht_2010.pdf, Accessed on 31.08.2011.
      13. Verfassungsschutzbericht 2010, available at: http://www.verfassungsschutz.de/download/SHOW/vsbericht_2010.pdf, Accessed on 07.12.2011.
      14. Verfassungsschutzbericht 2009, available at: http://www.verfassungsschutz.de/download/SHOW/vsbericht_2009.pdf, Accessed on 29.08.2011.
      15. Wolf, Joachim (2007): Die aktuelle NPD-Verbotsdebatte. Eine Chronologie. Available at: http://www.bpb.de/themen/AEUQ3P,0,Die_aktuelle_NPDVerbotsdebatte.html, Accessed on 30.08.2011.
      16. Saxon State Parliament (Sächsischer Landtag), Fraktionen, http://www.landtag.sachsen.de/de/abgeordnete_fraktionen/fraktionen/index.aspx, Accessed on 29.08.2011.
      17. Saxon State Parliament (Sächsischer Landtag), Wahlergebnis, http://www.landtag.sachsen.de/de/landtag/wahlen_gesetzgebung/148.aspx, Accessed on 29.8.2011.
      18. State Parliament Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (Landtag Mecklenburg-Vorpommern), http://www.landtag-mv.de/landtag/fraktionen.html, Accessed on 07.12.2011.
      19. State Parliament Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (Landtag Mecklenburg-Vorpommern), http://www.landtag-mv.de/landtag/wahlen-wahlergebnisse/landtagswahl-2011/wahlergebnisse-auf-landesebene.html, Accessed on 07.12.2011.
      20. Netz gegen Nazis.de, Rechtsextreme Ergebnisse der Kommunalwahlen im Juni 2009, http://www.netz-gegen-nazis.de/artikel/rechtsextreme-ergebnisse-der-kommunalwahlen-im-juni-2009-5678, Accessed on: 12.12.2011.
      21. Deutsche Welle, The NPD: on Germany's extreme right, 05.12.2011, http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,,15572610,00.html, Accessed on 12.12.2011.
      22. Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, Rechtsextremismus, http://www.bpb.de/themen/33EARQ,0,0,Schwerpunkt%3A_Debatte_um_NPDVerbot.html, Accessed on 20.12.2011.
      23. Federal Agency for Civic Education (Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung), Background information, ‘Ministerpräsidenten für NPD Verbot’, available at: http://www.bpb.de/politik/hintergrund-aktuell/150988/ministerpraesidenten-fuer-npd-verbot, Accessed on 13.01.2013. 
      24. Federal Council (Bundesrat) ‘Länder beschließen neues NPD- Verbotsverfahren’, published on 6.12.2012, available at: http://www.bundesrat.de/cln_227/nn_6898/DE/service/thema-aktuell/12/20121214-NPD-Verbot.html?__nnn=true, Accessed on 13.01.2013.
      25. Federal Ministry of the Interior (Bundesministerium des Innern, BMI) (2012), Verfassungsschutzbericht 2011, Berlin, p. 44, available at: http://www.verfassungsschutz.de/download/de/publikationen/verfassungsschutzbericht/vsbericht_2011/vsbericht_2011.pdf; Accessed on 13.01.2013.

       

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Muslims
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Religious minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers
      • Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender
      • Persons with disability

      Type (R/D)

      • Anti-migrant/xenophobia
      • Anti-semitism
      • Islamophobia
      • Afrophobia
      • Arabophobia
      • Anti-roma/zinghanophobia
      • Religious intolerance
      • Nationalism

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Political discourse -parties - orgs
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Is hate speech/racist-xenophobic discourse a wider, more 'mainstream', phenomenon in the political sphere?

      No.

      Qualitative Info

      Hate speech or racist-xenophobic discourses do not typically characterize the policies of the established democratic parties in Germany. Nonetheless, several members of established parties have also called attention to themselves in negative ways by repeatedly making racist, anti-migrant or anti-Islamic remarks. Perhaps the most well known politician in this context is the former senator for finances of Berlin and member of the social-democratic party (SPD), Thilo Sarrazin, who has repeatedly made derogative remarks about Jewish and Muslim, especially Turkish, people. Among other things, he claimed Muslim people to have a genetic lack of intelligence denied Muslims to have the skills or capabilities to make a positive contribution to the German economy (Handelsblatt 2010; Sarrazin 2010). Another example is the former prime minister of North Rhine-Westphalia and member of the Christian Democratic Union CDU, Jürgen Rüttgers, who spoke of a missing work ethic of Romanians during his election campaign in 2009. He said that Romanian people were coming to and leaving work whenever they wanted and that they did not know what they had to do at work (SZ 2009a, 200b).


      Next to issues of hate speech and xenophobic discourses in German politics, integration policies in Germany focus particularly on concerns regarding the integration of Muslims. Therefore, integration policies more and more become concerned with Islam (Tezcan 2011, p.304). After a speech of Federal President Christian Wulff in 2010, the question whether Islam was already a part of Germany, was subject of intense discussions between political parties for weeks. Especially members of the CDU/CSU disagreed with Wulff´s statement and emphasized the Christian-Jewish traditions of Germany (Baumgarten 2011; Migazin 2010). Shortly before, a debate on the prohibition of burkas had ended (Rogusch 2011). At this point of the discussion, it became quite clear that many issues related to policies concerning Islam are strongly connected to questions about internal security which is also illustrated by debates about terrorism threats (Tezcan 2011, p.306). All these discussions demonstrate that certain political groups have strong prejudices and disapproving attitudes towards Muslims in Germany.

       


       

      Source:

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Muslims
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Religious minorities
      • Linguistic minorities

      Type (R/D)

      • Anti-migrant/xenophobia
      • Anti-semitism
      • Islamophobia
      • Anti-roma/zinghanophobia

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Political discourse -parties - orgs
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Nation-wide organisations that express racist or xenophobic sentiments/discourse in the form either of hate speech or promote an anti-migrant and/or anti-minority agenda

      Yes.

      Organisations Autonome Nationalisten, JN, RNF, KPV Size - Membership 2.500 (estimation by the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution)

      Qualitative Info

      The German national Office for the Protection of the Constitution reported the existence of 225 right-wing extremist organisations and associations of several persons in 2011 (2010: 219).

      In the history of the Federal Republic of Germany about 35 extremist right-wing associations have been banned, most of them in the 1990s and 2000s.

      The group which experienced the most rapid growth in the last years is called “Autonomous Nationalists” (Autonome Nationalisten). About 1.000 people represented this network in 2010 (2009: 800) (BVerfS 2010, p.46-47).


      According to the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution the majority of right-wing extremists are not organised or only joined in networks with only loose or without organisational structures (BA VerfS 2011, p.19-42; BVerfS 2010, p.53).


      All of the following organisations and associations are observed by local and national Offices for the Protection of the Constitution.


      “Young National-Democrats “ JN (Junge Nationaldemokraten)
      The JN is the youth organisation of the NPD. The association's aim is an ethnically homogenous society where all living and being should be based on “German culture, German families and German life” (deutsche Kultur, deutsche Familien und deutsches Leben) (BVerfS 2010, p.92). For several years the members of the association also have been inciting hatred against Muslims. In its anti-Islamic campaigns, the JN stirs up fears about the Islamisation of Europe. According to the association, the mass immigration of Muslim people and their high fertility is going to eliminate the European people and their culture. Therefore the JN declared: “Us or sharia” (“Wir oder Scharia”). This shows that the JN represents right-wing extremist and anti-Islamic positions and poses a risk for hate speech against Muslims and other migrant minorities.


      "Ring of National Women” RNF (Ring Nationaler Frauen)
      By supporting the NPD in its work and by participating at demonstrations and events organised by the NPD or the JN, the RNF backs the nationalistic and anti-migrant ideology of the party. The RNF claims that Germany is endangered because of multiculturalism which arouses anger among the German population (BVerfS 2010, p.94).


      „Local Political Association of the NPD“ KPV (Kommunalpolitische Vereinigung der NPD)
      The KPV of the NPD constitutes a threat to the interests of migrants and ethnic minorities in the sense that the KPV is supporting the delegates of the NPD as well as the NPD´s electoral candidates in their political work and in preparation for future political tasks (BVerfS 2010, p.95). Therefore it can be assumed that the KPV of the NPD has an indirect but important influence on the formation of the nationalistic, anti-migrant and right-wing extremist policy of the NPD.


      “Aid Organisation for National Political Prisoners and their Relatives“ HNG (banned in 2011) (Hilfsorganisation für nationale politische Gefangene und deren Angehörige e.V.)
      The HNG was the biggest active, national association of neo-Nazis in Germany. The association aimed to support detained right-wing extremists. Thus, the HNG tried to maintain the integration of these prisoners in the neo-Nazi milieu during their term of imprisonment. By encouraging right-wing extremist ideology, the association wanted to promote future right-wing extremist acts of crime and violence by the detained extremists. In 2010, the interior ministry initiated a preliminary investigation against the HNG (BVerfS 2010, p.122). Finally, the organisation was banned in 2011.


      Next to these organisations about 200 small right-wing extremist organisations exist (Kameradschaften etc.), such as the “Youth Association of East Germany” JLO (Junge Landsmannschaft Ostdeutschland) or the “National-Germanic Brotherhood” (National-Germanische Bruderschaft) (BVerfS 2010, p.56; Röpke 2006). The majority of these Kameradschaften and other neo-Nazi or right-wing extremist organisations normally involve up to 15 members (BVerfS 2010, p.62). The German fraternity DB (Deutsche Burschenschaft), an umbrella association of the German student leagues, is also claimed to have right-wing extremist attitudes since some of its members keep close contact to right-wing extremists of other organisations. For this reason the Bavarian Office for the Protection of the Constitution observed some of DB´s student leagues for several years during the mid 2000s (Schmidt 2011). Moreover, the Office for the Protection of the Constitution of Hamburg stated in its 2010 report that a few of these student leagues promote right-wing extremist positions (HH VerfS 2010, p.175).

       


       

      Source:

      1. Verfassungsschutzbericht 2010, available at: http://www.verfassungsschutz.de/download/SHOW/vsbericht_2010.pdf , Accessed on 07.12.2011.
      2. Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz (2011): Symbole und Zeichen der Rechtsextremisten. Available at: http://www.verfassungsschutz.de/de/publikationen/pb_rechtsextremismus/broschuere_1210_re_symbole_und_zeichen/ , Accessed on 30.12.2011.
      3. Hamburger Verfassungschutzbericht 2010, available at: http://www.hamburg.de/contentblob/2898794/data/verfassungsschutzbericht-2010-nur-text-fassung.pdf, Accessed on 31.08.2011.
      4. Röpke, Andrea (2006): Braune Kameradschaften. Available at: http://www.bpb.de/themen/WXVB77,0,Braune_Kameradschaften.html, Accessed on 30.08.2011.
      5. Federal Ministry of the Interior (Bundesministerium des Innern, BMI) (2012), Verfassungsschutzbericht 2011, Berlin, p. 56, available at: http://www.verfassungsschutz.de/download/de/publikationen/verfassungsschutzbericht/vsbericht_2011/vsbericht_2011.pdf, Accessed on 13.01.2013.

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Muslims
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Religious minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers

      Type (R/D)

      • Anti-migrant/xenophobia
      • Anti-semitism
      • Islamophobia
      • Afrophobia
      • Arabophobia
      • Anti-roma/zinghanophobia
      • Nationalism

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Political discourse -parties - orgs
      See other countriesSee indicator history
  • Anti-racist Policies & Organisations

    The Federal Government of Germany has implemented and established different kinds of programmes, institutions and policies opposing racism and related ideologies.
    Several non-governmental organisations in Germany raise awareness about ideologies in different areas of society, e.g. in sports, on the labour market or in schools that are connected to right-wing extremism, racism and xenophobia.

    • Has the national government developed policies/programmes aimed at combating racism and related ideologies? Have these policies/programmes been implemented and in whatway?

      Yes. The Federal Government of Germany has implemented and established different kinds of programmes, institutions and policies opposing racism and related ideologies.

      Qualitative Info

      A) In January 2011, the two programmes aimed at combating racism “Diversity is Benificial. Youth for variety, tolerance and democracy” (Vielfalt tut gut. Jugend für Vielfalt, Toleranz und Demokratie) and “Competent for Democracy – Networks for advice against right-wing extremism” (Kompetent für Demokratie – Beratungsnetzwerke gegen Rechtsextremismus) which were established by the national government for a period from 2007 to 2010, were merged into the new programme “Supporting Tolerance– Empowering Competence” (Toleranz fördern – Kompetenz Stärken, TFKS), which the national government supports financially with EUR 24 million in the period 2011 – 2013.

      The programme has three main objectives : 1) To support the development and sustainable protection of action plans implemented to strengthen democracy and tolerance at local levels. The programme also 2) promotes pilot projects which develop and test innovative approaches aimed at combating right-wing extremism, xenophobia and anti-Semitism. Last but not least it 3) sponsors and establishes help desks, a measure which focuses on the qualification of the advisers.
      Especially children and youths, but also parents and pedagogues as well as important participants of the state and civil society are supposed to be addressed by this programme (TFKS 2011a).
      It is yet too early to assess the impact of the programme.

       

      B) Promoted by the European Social Fund, the programme XENOS has been working against discrimination, racism and xenophobia at the intersection of education systems and labour markets since 2001. Three main projects characterise the activities of XENOS in the period from 2007 to 2013: The programme promotes 1) the general integration of young people with migrant backgrounds into society, particularly into the labour market. This project is called “XENOS – integration and diversity ” (XENOS – Integration und Vielfalt). 2) The second project addresses young people who left the right-wing extremist scene. “XENOS – exit to entry” (XENOS – Ausstieg zum Einstieg) supports former right-wing youths looking for suitable jobs at the beginning of their careers . The last programme supports 3) refugees and foreigners entitled to permanent residency with access to the labour market (BMAS 2009, p.207).


      C) Since 2000, the “Alliance for Democracy and Tolerance – against Extremism and Violence” BfDT (Bündnis für Demokratie und Toleranz - gegen Extremismus und Gewalt) which was established by the Federal Ministry of Justice and the Federal Ministry of the Interior, organises a conference for young people each year. It also awards the prize of “Ambassador for Democracy and Tolerance” (Botschafter für Demokratie und Toleranz) to outstanding people and initiatives implementing the principles of the constitution in everyday life. Furthermore, the alliance funds a large number of different projects as well as some competitions in the field of democracy and tolerance (BMAS 2009, p.206). These activities have the common purpose of illustrating societal efforts to strengthen democracy and tolerance and of promoting further initiatives in this field (BfDT 2011).


      D) A platform for dialogue has been offered by the “Forum against Racism” (Forum gegen Rassismus), established in 1998. The forum covers about 30 governmental as well as 60 nongovernmental organisations combating intolerance and violence against migrants and ethnic minorities (BMAS 2009, p.206). Twice a year, the forum holds meetings and discusses questions concerning racism, xenophobia, anti-Semitism, intolerance etc (BMI 2011a).

       

      E) The Federal Anti-Discrimination Agency (FADA, Antidiskriminierungsstelle des Bundes, ADS) is Germany’s first nationwide statutory anti-discrimination body. It has been installed in 2006 as the official equality body on the basis of the General Equal Treatment Act (AGG). The ADSs main objective is to provide assistance to persons who have experienced discrimination. It is further engaged in awareness raising activities, carries out and commissions research on various facets of discrimination.

       

      F) Since 2009, the ”Independent Expert Group Anti-Semitism” (Unabhängiger Expertenkreis Antisemitismus),commissioned by the Federal Government, has been analysing anti-Semitic developments in Germany. The ten experts of the working group also evaluate initiatives against any kind of anti-Jewish attitudes and develop new concepts aimed at combating anti-Semitism (Peucker/Camp/Lechner 2010, p.71).

       

      G) The “Federal Agency for Civic Education” (Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung), an institution of the Federal Ministry of the Interior, provides information on extremism, thus making a contribution to the education of society (BMAS 2009, p.206).

       

      H) The German Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Bundesverfassungsschutz) supports the efforts to combat right-wing extremism, xenophobia, anti-Semitsm and Islamophobia by observing persons, groups and organisations which are under suspicion of having a tendency to support extremist ideologies. Moreover, the Office prosecutes right-wing extremist, xenophobic and anti-Semitic crimes, prevents events of these milieus and informs the public society by publishing an overview each year (BMAS 2009, p.208). Yet, the detection of the right-wing terrorist organisation ’National Socialist Underground’ (Nationalsozialistischer Untergrund, NSU), whose members are accused of committing several murders between 2000 and 2007, has triggered a nationwide debate on the role of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Bundesamt für Verfasssungsschutz, BfV) and other intelligence agencies in the Länder. The on-going investigations reveal more and more failures and shortcomings and raise questions about the involvement of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution and their paid informants within the far-right scene. Moreover, it was found that the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Bundesamt für Verfasssungsschutz, BfV) destroyed relevant documents after the detection of the NSU.

       

      I) In order to send a sign against right-wing extremist violence, the federal government offers one-off financial compensation to victims of right-wing extremism, racism and xenophobia who can apply for these payments .Until now compensations ranged from 100 to 250.000 Euro for insults and grievous bodily injury (BMAS 2009, p.207).

       

      Many programmes address young people. Nevertheless, there are just as many projects which target public society as a whole. Most of these programmes involve migrants, refugees, ethnic as well as religion minorities.
      Especially racist violence, xenophobia and anti-Semitism are addressed.
      There are particular projects concerning employment and labour market issues, education, political participation and integration.


      Source:

      1. Antidiskriminierungsstelle des Bundes (2011a), available at: http://www.antidiskriminierungsstelle.de/DE/UeberUns/ueberUns_node.html (accessed on 02.09.2011).
      2. Antidiskriminierungsstelle des Bundes (2011b), available at: http://www.antidiskriminierungsstelle.de/DE/Projekte_ADS/projekte_der_ads_node.html (accessed on 09.12.2011).
      3. Antidiskriminierungsstelle des Bundes (2011c), available at: http://www.antidiskriminierungsstelle.de/DE/Projekte_ADS/anonymisierte_bewerbungen/anonymisierte_bewerbungen_node.html (accessed on 02.09.2011).
      4. Bündnis für Demokratie und Toleranz (2011), available at: http://www.buendnis-toleranz.de/cms/beitrag/10026563/423673 (accessed on 01.09.2011).
      5. Bundesministerium des Innern (2011a): Forum gegen Rassismus. Available at: http://www.bmi.bund.de/cln_104/sid_7053A7E5777AB92AEE148B7A8810ED63/SharedDocs/Standardartikel/DE/Themen/PolitikGesellschaft/PolBilGesZus/forum.html (accessed on 01.09.2011).
      6. Bundesministerium des Innern (2011a): Der unabhängige Expertenkreis Antisemitismus. Available at: http://www.bmi.bund.de/DE/_alt/Themen/PolitikGesellschaft/PolitBildGesellZusammen/Expertenkreis/expertenkreis.html?nn=2552582 (accessed on 02.09.2011).
      7. Bundesministerium für Arbeit und Soziales (2009): Sozialbericht 2009. Available at: http://www.bmas.de/SharedDocs/Downloads/DE/PDF-Publikationen/a101-09-sozialbericht-2009.pdf?__blob=publicationFile (accessed on 01.09.2011).
      8. Peucker, Mario / Camp, Joseph / Lechner, Claudia (2010): RAXEN 2010. Thematic Study: Racist and related hate crimes in the EU. Germany. Bamberg: european forum for migration studies (efms).
      9. Toleranz fördern – Kompetenz stärken (2011a), available at: http://www.toleranz-foerdern-kompetenz-staerken.de/ziele_und_strategien.html (accessed on 01.09.2011).
      10. Toleranz fördern – Kompetenz stärken (2011b), available at: http://www.toleranz-foerdern-kompetenz-staerken.de/tfks_lokale_aktionsplaene.html (accessed on 01.09.2011).
      11. Toleranz fördern – Kompetenz stärken (2011c), available at: http://www.toleranz-foerdern-kompetenz-staerken.de/tfks_modellprojekte.html (accessed on 01.09.2011).
      12. Toleranz fördern – Kompetenz stärken (2011d), available at: http://www.toleranz-foerdern-kompetenz-staerken.de/tfks_beratungsnetzwerke.html (accessed on 01.09.2011).
      13. XENOS (2011a), available at: http://www.esf.de/portal/generator/6592/xenos.html (accessed on 02.09.2010).
      14. Federal Parliament (Bundestag) (2012) ‘Schnelle Aufklärung der Aktenvernichtung gefordert’, available at:http://www.bundestag.de/dokumente/textarchiv/2012/39720930_kw27_nsu_di/index.html (accessed on 13.01.2013).
      15. Federal Parliament (Bundestag) BT-Drs. 17/10585, 31 August 2012, p. 22, available at: http://dipbt.bundestag.de/extrakt/ba/WP17/465/46507.html (accessed on 13.01.2013).                                                                           Federal Parliament (Bundestag) BT- Drs. 17/8453, 21 January 2012, available at: http://dip21.bundestag.de/dip21/btd/17/084/1708453.pdf (accessed on 13.01.2013).

      •  
      •  
      •  

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Muslims
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Religious minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers

      Type (R/D)

      • Extremism - organised Racist Violence
      • Anti-migrant/xenophobia
      • Anti-semitism

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Employment - labour market
      • Education
      • Political participation
      • Anti-discrimination
      • Anti-racism
      • Integration - social cohesion
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Has regional/local governance made a significant attempt at combating racism and related ideologies?

      Yes.

      Qualitative Info

      A) A few federal states have developed action plans or concepts to combat racism, right-wing extremism and xenophobia, e.g. Bavaria and Berlin.

      1) The “Bavarian Action Plan against Racism” (Bayerisches Handlungskonzept gegen Rechtsextremismus) was drafted by the Ministry of the Interior of Bavaria in 2009. The action plan indicates that ongoing measures regarding issues such as racism and right-wing extremism in schools, the research of racism and related ideologies as well as intensive observations and consequent prosecution of right-wing extremists should proceed in their current form. Future programmes include e.g. the intensification of preventive work and offering a larger number of courses for teacher training and social work (STMI 2009).

      2) The project of the federal state of Berlin called “Democracy. Diversity. Respect.“ (Demokratie. Vielfalt. Respekt.) is directed against right-wing extremism, racism and anti-Semitism. The guiding principle of the programme is the vision of a cosmopolitan city of diversity, respect and human dignity characterised by a culture of recognition and anti-discrimination (Der Beauftragte des Berliner Senats für Integration und Migration 2011, p.4). Already implemented measures include a regional information system pooling relevant projects, support for victims of right-wing extremist, racial or anti-Semitic violence, anti-Semitic education for high school students, mobile help desks to sensitise the civil society, workshops for the police and the administration to improve intercultural competences as well as measures to prevent violence amongst adolescents and young adults (ibid., p.9). Other projects which are planned or should be elaborated are, for example, more education about racism, xenophobia and anti-Semitism outside of the school context, inclusion of migrant organisations in existing projects, work on further memorial places, programmes for the reinforcement of social integration as well as the integration of ethnic minorities into the labour market or the intercultural opening of the institutions of the state (ibid., p.13ff). All these examples are only parts of the planned future projects which are mentioned in the action plan of Bavaria as well as in Berlin.


      B) The German federal states have also established help desks for victims of right-wing extremist or xenophobic violence and for right wingers who want to drop out.

      1) More than 20 governmental and non-governmental organisations form the “Help desk Network against right-wing extremism” of Hamburg (Beratungsnetzwerk gegen Rechtsextremismus). These support services provide help for persons searching for advice concerning right-wing extremism, either to gain protection from it or to gather general information about right-wing extremism and related ideologies. Contacting the support desks is possible via telephone as well as via email. A mobile help desk also supports the network by working locally to find solutions for problems with right-wing extremism (Freie und Hansestadt Hamburg 2011).

      2) The project MOBIT, “Mobile advice in Thuringia for Democracy – against right-wing extremism” (Mobile Beratung in Thüringen für Demokratie – gegen Rechtsextremismus) supports organisations, projects and dedicated individuals in their work against right-wing extremism in form of a help desk. MOBIT trains intermediaries in schools, social work and administration and creates transparency for the public. The documentation and research of right-wing extremist movements as well as counter projects and the development of recognition models for civic engagement is included in the work of the programme. MOBIT is promoted by the ministries of social affairs of Thuringia and Germany (MOBIT 2011).


      C) State Prevention Councils (Landespräventionsräte) deal with the prevention of crime at the federal level. The councils provide concepts for the prevention of crime, improve the quality of prevention programmes, transfer information and knowledge, create transparency and support civic engagement as well as prevention competences (LPR NI 2011a).

      1) To combat right-wing extremism, the Prevention Council of Lower Saxony supports a programme by the national government at the local level. The target of the programme is the development of action plans against right-wing extremism, xenophobia and anti-Semitism for local municipalities. Furthermore, the council supports the institutionalisation of model projects in the private sector and is responsible for the evaluation of their outcomes (LPR NI 2011b).

      2) Since 2002, the working group “violence and minorities” of the Prevention Council of Hesse focuses on the project “crime-prevention initiative for a better integration of Muslims in Hesse” (kriminalpräventive Initiativen zur verbesserten Integration der Muslime in Hessen). Firstly, the team seeks to reduce prejudices against Muslims and thereby prevents violence against Islamic minorities. Secondly, the working group wants to counteract Muslim extremist associatons. In cooperation with experts, the council develops concepts to implement these aims (LPR H 2011).


      D) The federal states also aim to combat righ-wing extremism by providing general information material. Hesse, for example, produced a booklet for municipalities which informs about local strategies for dealing with right-wing extremism. The booklet provides detailed information about the strategies of right-wing-extremists and how local actors can react in everyday scenarios, for example when known right wingers attempt to buy or rent real estate, distribute right-wing extremist music to adolescents, speak at public events, establish associations or protest locally. Moreover the booklet presents help desks and programmes for persons trying to drop out of right-wing associations (HMDIS 2011).

       

      E) Like at the national level, there is an Office for the Protection of the Constitution instituted in each state. They mainly observe and prosecute organisations, parties and individuals with right-wing extremist orientation and make right-wing ideologies transparent for society. Yet, the detection of the right-wing terrorist organisation ’National Socialist Underground’ (Nationalsozialistischer Untergrund, NSU), whose members are accused of committing several murders between 2000 and 2007, has triggered a nationwide debate on the role of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Bundesamt für Verfasssungsschutz, BfV) and other intelligence agencies in the Länder. The Office for the Protection of the Constitution in Thuringia has been blamed for tremendous failure and shortcomings. The on-going investigations, carried out by the Federal Prosecutor’s Office, reveal more and more details on right-wing terrorism and raise questions about the involvement of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution and their paid informants within the far-right scene.


       

      Sources:

      1. Bayerisches Staatsministerium des Innern (STMI) (2009): Bayerisches Handlungskonzept gegen Rechtsextremismus. Available at: http://www.stmi.bayern.de/imperia/md/content/stmi/sicherheit/verfassungsschutz/rechtsextremismus/handlungskonzept_rechtsextremismus.pdf (accessed on 02.09.2011).
      2. Der Beauftragte des Berliner Senats für Integration und Migration (2011): Demokratie. Vielfalt. Respekt. Die Berliner Landeskonzeption gegen Rechtsextremismus, Rassismus und Antisemitismus. Available at: http://www.berlin.de/imperia/md/content/lb-integration-migration/demokratie/landeskonzeption_g_rechtsextremismus_bf.pdf?start&ts=1298027063&file=landeskonzeption_g_rechtsextremismus_bf.pdf (accessed on 02.09.2011).
      3. Freie und Hansestadt Hamburg (2011): Beratung gegen Rechtsextremismus. Available at: http://www.hamburg.de/gegen-rechtsextremismus/ (accessed on 02.09.2011).
      4. Hessisches Ministerium des Innern und für Sport (2011): Freiheit und Demokratie stärken. Handlungsempfehlungen für Kommunen zum Umgang mit Rechtsextremismus. Available at: http://www.hessen.de/irj/servlet/prt/portal/prtroot/slimp.CMReader/zentral_15/zentral_Internet/med/227/2272bdc0-27d1-31f0-12f3-1e2389e48185,22222222-2222-2222-2222-222222222222,true.pdf2f31-e2389e481851,,,11111111-2222-3333-4444-100000005004%26_ic_uCon_zentral=602bdc02-7d13-1f01-2f31-e2389e481851%26overview=true.htm&ui (accessed on 02.09.2011).
      5. Landespräventionsrat Hessen (2011): Gewalt und Minderheiten. Available at: http://www.landespraeventionsrat.hessen.de/irj/Landespraeventionsrat_Internet?cid=cbab4ff1d3402fbe2666dd01c41df66e (accessed on 02.09.2011).
      6. Landespräventionsrat Niedersachsen (2011a): Leitbild und Ziele. Available at: http://lpr.niedersachsen.de/nano.cms/de/Leitbild_und_Ziele (accessed on 02.09.2011)
      7. Landespräventionsrat Niedersachsen (2011b): Leitbild und Ziele. Available at: http://lpr.niedersachsen.de/nano.cms/de/Aktivitaeten?XAction=Details&XID=22 (accessed on 02.09.2011).
      8. MOBIT (2011), available at: http://www.mobit.org/Beratung.htm (accessed on 02.09.2011).
      9. Federal Parliament (Bundestag) (2012) ‘Schnelle Aufklärung der Aktenvernichtung gefordert’, available at: http://www.bundestag.de/dokumente/textarchiv/2012/39720930_kw27_nsu_di/index.html (accessed on 13.01.2013) .
      10. Federal Parliament (Bundestag) BT-Drs. 17/10585, 31 August 2012, p. 22, available at: http://dipbt.bundestag.de/extrakt/ba/WP17/465/46507.html (accessed on 13.01.2013).                                                                      
      11. Federal Parliament (Bundestag) BT- Drs. 17/8453, 21 January 2012, available at: http://dip21.bundestag.de/dip21/btd/17/084/1708453.pdf (accessed on 13.01.2013).
      •  

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Muslims
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Religious minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers
      • Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender
      • Persons with disability

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Anti-discrimination
      • Anti-racism
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • In your country are there any non governmental organisations whose principal objectives relate to opposing/undermining racism and racist activity?

      Yes.

      Some non-governmental organisations in Germany raise awareness about ideologies related to right-wing extremism, racism and xenophobia, in different areas of society, e.g. in sports, on the labour market or in schools.

      Qualitative Info

      Some of these non-governmental organisations, which raise awareness about ideologies related to right-wing extremism, racism and xenophobia are:


      “Advice. Qualification. Migration.” (Beratung. Qualifierzierung. Migration.)


      “Amadeu Antonio Foundation” (Amadeu Antonio Stiftung)


      “Coalition for Action against Violence, right-wing Extremism and Xenophobia” (Aktionsbündnis gegen Gewalt, Rechtsextremismus und Fremdenfeindlichkeit)


      “Courage – Network for Democracy and Courage” (registered association) (Courage – Netzwerk für Demokratie und Courage e.V.)


      “Intercultural Council in Germany” (Interkultureller Rat in Deutschland)


      “Miphgasch/Meeting” (registered association) (Miphgasch/Begegnung e.V.)


      “Stand up! In Favour of a Cosmopolitan Germany” (registered association) (Gesicht zeigen! Für ein weltoffenes Deutschland e.V.)


      “Straight Talking!“ (registered association) (tacheles reden! e.V.)


      “Work and Life – For a democratic Culture of Participation” (Arbeit und Leben – Für eine demokratische Kultur der Partizipation)

       

      The projects of these non-governmental organisations support different groups of migrants and ethnic or religious minorities.

      Some of the organisations or projects are supported by national funds.

       

       

      The above mentioned Amadeu Antonio Foundation, for example, provides advice and supports victims of racist violene. There are 16 persons working for the Amadeu Antonio Foundation (AAS 2011a).

      The foundation focuses on supporting the civil society in combating right-wing extremism, particularly in the new federal states of Germany. The foundation’s main aim is to empower people to develop their own local initiatives against racism and xenophobia. It provides funds for different kinds of projects especially in the fields of youth and school work, protection and support of victims(AAS 2011b). Moreover, the Amadeu Antonio Foundation develops own programmes and projects like the campaign “No Place for neo-Nazis” (Kein Ort für Neonazis) which attempts to prevent the stabilisation of neo-Nazi movements in Germany or the (re-) election of right-wing extremist parties to national or federal parliaments (AAS 2011c). Furthermore the foundation provides financial help for victims of right-wing extremist or racial violence through its CURA fund (AAS 2011d).

       

      As part of the campaign “No Place for neo-Nazis” the foundation organises panel discussions, information meetings, concerts and other events before elections take place. Until now, the projects concentrates on the new federal states of Thuringia, Saxony-Anhalt and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania where parliaments were elected in 2009 and 2011 (AAS 2011c). The activities of the foundation contributed to the prevention of the election of the most popular right-wing extremist parties NPD and DVU to the parliaments of Thuringia and Saxony-Anhalt.

       

       

      Another organisation providing advice and support to victims of hate crime and racist violence is the “Coalition for Action against Violence, right-wing Extremism and Xenophobia” (Aktionsbündnis gegen Gewalt, Rechtsextremismus und Fremdenfeindlichkeit).

      Around 65 organisations from Brandenburg constitute the coalition (Aktionsbündnis 2011a).

      The coalition implements measures against violence, right-wing extremism and xenophobia, and has been active since its establishment in 1997. It diffuses knowledge, contributes to the public and political discussion about racism, develops projects and policy proposals and supports local associations and programmes (Aktionsbündnis 2011b).

       

      To provide society with more information about right-wing extremism, racism and xenophobia, the coalition published the brochure “What democrats can do against right-wing extremism” (Was Demokraten gegen Rechtsextremismus tun können). The brochure informs about strategies and ideologies of right wingers, their organisations and parties and suggests possibilities for taking action against groups and persons of this milieu (Aktionsbündnis 2008). By distributing the brochure as well as other information material the organisation makes a contribution to the education of civil society on right-wing extremism in Germany. The coalition itself is most proud of its achievements in encouraging citizens´ initiatives, protesting against the DVU and its election rallies before the federal election in Brandenburg in 2009, developing a commission for refugees and organising events at the war memorial site in Halbe (Aktionsbündnis 2011c). Moreover, some of the organisations in the coalition directly support victims of right-wing extremism violence. For example, the association “Victim Perspective” (Opferperspektive) works as a help desk for victims and their relatives offering psychological, judicial, social or political assistance and help (Aktionsbündnis 2011d).


      Source:

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Muslims
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Religious minorities
      • Linguistic minorities

      Type (R/D)

      • Extremism - organised Racist Violence
      • Anti-migrant/xenophobia
      • Anti-semitism
      • Islamophobia

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Employment - labour market
      • Education
      • Culture
      • Sport
      • Political participation
      • Integration - social cohesion
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Non governmental organisations whose principal objectives relate to opposing/undermining racism and racist activity

      Qualitative Info

      Some of these non-governmental organisations, which raise awareness about ideologies related to right-wing extremism, racism and xenophobia are:

      “Advice. Qualification. Migration.” (Beratung. Qualifierzierung. Migration.)

      “Amadeu Antonio Foundation” (Amadeu Antonio Stiftung)

      “Coalition for Action against Violence, right-wing Extremism and Xenophobia” (Aktionsbündnis gegen Gewalt, Rechtsextremismus und Fremdenfeindlichkeit)

      “Courage – Network for Democracy and Courage” (registered association) (Courage – Netzwerk für Demokratie und Courage e.V.)

      “Intercultural Council in Germany” (Interkultureller Rat in Deutschland)

      “Miphgasch/Meeting” (registered association) (Miphgasch/Begegnung e.V.)

      “Stand up! In Favour of a Cosmopolitan Germany” (registered association) (Gesicht zeigen! Für ein weltoffenes Deutschland e.V.)

      “Straight Talking!“ (registered association) (tacheles reden! e.V.)

      “Work and Life – For a democratic Culture of Participation” (Arbeit und Leben – Für eine demokratische Kultur der Partizipation)

      The projects of these non-governmental organisations support different groups of migrants and ethnic or religious minorities.

      Some of the organisations or projects are supported by national funds.


      Source:

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Religious minorities

      Type (R/D)

      • Anti-migrant/xenophobia

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Anti-discrimination
      • Anti-racism
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Are there examples of anti-racist anti-discrimination organisations' activity having a positive impact on anti-racist policies?

      One example of such initiatives is the network “NRW gegen Diskriminierung” (NRW against discrimination).

      Qualitative Info

      The impact of NGO activities on anti-racist policies is difficult to measure on the national level but also on the state level. Nevertheless, it can be assumed that anti-racist/anti-discrimination activities of NGOs may have an influence in changing anti-racist policies on the regional or local level. One example is the network “NRW gegen Diskriminierung” (NRW against discrimination), which has contributed to the establishment of integration agencies within the Federal integration policy in 2011.

       

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Anti-racism

      External Url http://www.nrwgegendiskriminierung.de/de/

      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Is there a direct participation of anti-racist, anti-discrimination and victim group organisations in consultation and development, promotion, implementation of anti-racist and anti-discrimination law and/or policies?

      Yes.

      Qualitative Info

      The “Coalition for Action against Violence, right-wing Extremism and Xenophobia” (Aktionsbündnis gegen Gewalt, Rechtsextremismus und Fremdenfeindlichkeit) developed a proposal for the establishment of a hardship commission dealing with measures to protect people against deportation. This commission was established as a temporary measure in 2005 by the state of Brandenburg and became a full-time operating commission in 2009.

      To strengthen the dialogue between state representatives and Muslims living in Germany, the interior ministry established the “German Islam Conference” (Deutsche Islam Konferenz) in 2006. The conference takes place once a year and brings together a number of key actors, for example representatives of the national government, federal states and municipalities, delegates of the leading Muslim community organisations in Germany as well as chosen Muslim individuals. The main aims of the conference are to highlight and reinforce commonalities, to discuss how to cope with differences and to support participation with the help of better integration of Muslims into German society by removing barriers posed by segregation and discrimination (DIK 2011). In 2011, the conference was criticised in several respects. On the one hand, the Muslim majority did not feel represented by those who were invited to the conference. On the other side, it was criticised that the interior minister defined the combat against Islamic extremists as a central concern of the forum (Migazin 2011).


      Source:

       

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Muslims

      Type (R/D)

      • Islamophobia

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Integration - social cohesion
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Are there NGOs - other civil society organisations supporting victims of discrimination on the grounds of race, ethnic origin and religion in court?

      Yes. Certain associations support victims of right-wing extremism, racism or related ideologies in court or at help desks before court proceedings.

      Qualitative Info

      1) The registered organisation “White Ring” (Weißer Ring e.V.) supports victims of crime in all respects. It operates nationwide and gives advice, financial support and the possibility of being accompanied to the police, to court or to different official institutions (Weißer Ring 2011).

       

      2) The association “Net against Nazis” (Netz gegen Nazis) supports victims of right-wing violence, with a special focus on Brandenburg. With a help desk, the association informs the victims about their rights and possibilities. It accompanies the victims to the police and to court and arranges interpreters for official dates. Next to the legal aspects, “Net against Nazis” supports the victims in everyday life as well – in seeking medical or psychological support or in negotiations with foreigners´ authorities or providing assistance to retired persons (Netz gegen Nazis 2011).

       


       

      Sources:

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Muslims
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Religious minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers

      Type (R/D)

      • Extremism - organised Racist Violence

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Policing - law enforcement
      See other countriesSee indicator history
  • Policing - Law Enforcement - Justice

    As part of the qualification of police personnel as well as in follow-up trainings, human rights, fundamental rights as they are guaranteed in the German constitution as well as the prohibition of discrimination are taught. Although there are single incidents of anti-minority agendas and discourse, there is no evidence that there are police professional associations or in the area of justice that systematically promote and endorse anti-minority agendas and discourse.

  • Employment

    The unemployment rate of persons with migration background is twice as high as that of persons without a migration background. Foreigners have the highest unemployment rate. There is no data available for the employment situation of ethnic minorities.

    • Do the trade unions engage in specific activities recruiting or supporting/defending the rights of minority groups?

      Yes.

      Qualitative Info

      For instance, for members of the Danish minority the Union for Education and Science (GEW) in Schleswig-Holstein offers a dual membership in cooperation with the Danish Unions in the field of Education, DLS/DLF (Danmarks Laererforening i Sydslesvig), BUPL (Forbundet for Paedergoger og Klubfolk) and fsl (Frie Skolers Lærerforening). This dual membership is meant for teachers employed at the schools of the Danish minority in Schleswig-Holstein.


       

      External Url http://www.gew-sh.de/wDeutsch/ueber_uns/partner.shtml

      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Do the trade unions engage in specific activities recruiting or supporting/defending the rights of migrants groups?

      Yes, there are specific activities recruiting of supporting/defending the rights of migrants groups by trade unions.

      Qualitative Info

      In general, it is part of the statute of the German Federation of Trade Unions (DGB) to actively fight discrimination on the grounds of sex, race, ethnic origin, religion or belief system, a disability, age or sexual orientation, whenever it occurs in the economy, the state or in society [1]. In addition, within its training institution, the DGB includes a field of activity called “Migration & Qualification”(Migration & Qualifizierung) which aims to  encourage migrants to actively participate in social processes and to enhance equality. In order to achieve these aims a variety of possibilities are offered, i.e. in form of workshops, that provide educational and informational support as well as guidance for multipliers – both trade union members and non-members. “Migration & Qualification” works together with a broad network of migrant organisations, churches and welfare organisations [2].

      The United Services Union (ver.di) has a “Federal Work Group Migration” which is engaged in creating equal opportunities for migrants. In its statute, ver.di lists ways of achieving its general aims. Next to encouraging tolerance and the equality of rights irrespective of sex, race, ethnic origin, religion or belief system, disability, age or sexual orientation, this also includes “opposition to and combating of fascist, militaristic and racist influences” ) and “representing the interest of foreign workers, in particular through the promotion and realisation of integration in society, at the workplace and in the social sphere as well as through the active engagement in questions and problems that are specific to foreigners” [3].

      Furthermore, a few trade unions became active in offering support services focusing on labour rights of undocumented migrants. For instance, the trade union ver.di initiated the project MigraAr and offers advice on labour rights to undocumented migrants in four cities [4]. Further, the German Federation of Trade Unions (Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund, DGB) launched a project aimed at supporting migrant workers from central and east European countries in achieving fair wages and working conditions [5].

      In 2008, the United Services Union, ver.di, passed a decree which recognises migrants as an official group within the trade union structures and encourages them to become more active in the trade union [6]. With this status, which gives migrant unionists a stronger voice within the decision-making structures of the trade union, migrant union members are now entitled to establish their own migrant committees on the regional, state and national levels. These committees are expected to contribute to a greater awareness and consideration of migrant related issues in the trade union and in the broader public; they can organise independently specific trainings and information events, disseminate position papers and other materials [7].


      Sources:

      1. German Federation of Trade Unions (Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund, DGB), http://www.dgb.de/uber-uns/dgb-heute/satzung
      2. migration-online.de,  http://www.migration-online.de/cms/index._c2lkPXppZWxl_.html, Accessed on 12.03.2012.
      3. A study on EPSU affiliates lists the various forms of ver.di’s specific engagement in the rights of migrants groups (http://www.epsu.org/IMG/pdf/Final_Report_Migration_March_2010_-_EN.pdf )
      4. Ver.di (2009) ‘MigrAr – die gewerkschaftliche Anlaufstelle‘, available at: https://besondere-dienste-hamburg.verdi.de/themen/migrar/themen, Accessed on 14.01.2013.
      5. German Federation of Trade Unions (Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund, DGB) (2012) Faire Mobilität, available at: http://www.faire-mobilitaet.de/, Accessed on 14.01.2013.
      6. The ver.di decree is online available at: http://migration.verdi.de/richtlinie_satzung/data/richtlinie_migranten_-migrantinnen-_06-_2008.pdf, Accessed on 12.03.2012.
      7. ver.di (2009) Migration. Informationen für Migrantinnen und Migranten (Ver.di Migration), November 2008; available at: http://migration.verdi.de/material/data/November-2008.pdf, Accessed on 12.03.2012.


       

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Anti-discrimination
      • Anti-racism
      See other countriesSee indicator history
  • Housing & Segregation

    In general, quality in housing is more expensive for persons with a migration background than for persons without a migration background, in particular those with a Turkish migration background. Persons with a migration background also usually live in less socially accepted areas. Besides social and economic factors, discrimination also seems to be a factor for disadvantaged housing situations.

    • Is there evidence of significant levels of segregation between migrant groups and the majority population?

      Yes. Although there is no nationwide reporting system on inner-city spatial distribution of migrants, several studies confirm segregation between migrant groups and majority population.

      Qualitative Info

      Although there is no nationwide reporting system on inner-city spatial distribution of migrants, several studies confirm segregation between migrant groups and majority population. Thereby, the level of segregation depends on the migrant group. A study on certain migrant groups and persons with dual citizenship in 29 towns, conducted by a Berlin-based institute (Arbeitsstelle für Interkulturelle Konflikte und gesellschaftliche Integration am Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin, AKI) showed that significant levels of segregation can be noticed amongst Turkish nationals and Turkish persons of dual nationality; followed by persons from the former Soviet Union and former Yugoslavia. Thus, persons with a Turkish citizenship and persons from the former Soviet Union more often live in districts with a higher proportion of their own ´nationality` compared to the average proportion in the city.

      Generally, in city districts with a high proportion of foreigners, the concentration of the migrant groups which are analysed in the study is high, too. The study, which was published in 2007, refers mainly to data from 2004 and is based on official statistics and on the dataset of the inner-city spatial monitoring (Innerstädtische Raumbeobachtung) provided by the Federal Office for Building and Regional Planning (Bundesamt für Bauwesen und Raumordnung, BBR).
      In 2006, the Federal Office Building and Regional Planning (Bundesamt für Bauwesen und Raumordnung, BBR) started a project called Migration/Integration and local housing/neighbourhood policies (Migration/Integration und Stadtteilpolitik) where 75,000 neighbourhoods were analysed. The findings show a rather high level of ethnic segregation in East Germany, Northern Bavaria, Northern Hesse and the Ruhr are in North Westphalia (Ruhrgebiet). Further, the results also indicate a higher level of segregation in large cities and in small municipalities having fewer inhabitants than small towns.
      Jürgen Friedrichs reviewed several studies on ethnic segregation in Germany. The results of a study which analysed 15 cities between 1990 and 2005 indicated that segregation generally decreased in German cities between 1990 and 2005. The highest level of segregation could be observed by people of Turkish and of Greek origin; the latter has changed as shown in more recent studies mentioned above.
      Migrants are usually over-represented in less-favoured districts. As migrant quarters are mostly multi-ethnic, neighbourhoods, where one nationality represents the population majority, are not common in Germany on the level of city districts. Only few city districts have a migrant group which is represented with more than 10 per cent of all inhabitants [4, p. 193 ff.]. However, disadvantaged neighbourhoods are rather caused by social segregation than by ethnic segregation (Friedrichs 2008, p. 390, 392, 404). Thus, an increase in social segregation is more likely to be observed. The trend that rents in the inner city areas are extremely increasing contribute to this development [2, p. 22].

      According to an essay on segregation there still is ethnic segregation in Germany especially due to reasons such as low income of migrants, discrimination on the residential market and clustering in certain town districts because of the proximity to family and friends [6]. Yet, the segregation indices which explain the ethnic segregation of foreign population in selected towns show relatively stable or decreasing numbers. These mainly stable indices (within a period of about 15 years) are explained by a high influx of low income Germans into theses town districts and the outflow of migrants who have climbed the social ladder.
      Further, with regard to the second generation of migrants, the so-called TIES-Study published in 2011 indicates that significant levels of housing segregation can be noticed among the second generation of Turks and, to a lesser extent, among persons from former Yugoslavia. The study further assumes that the segregation in the area of housing is linked to individual labour market positions and educational levels.


       

      Source:

      1. Bosch, Nicole/ Peucker, Mario/ Reiter, Stefanie (2008), Racism, Xenophobia and Ethnic Discrimination in Germany 2007, http://www.efms.uni-bamberg.de/pdf/Diskriminierung_Deutschland_2007_1.pdf, Accessed on 23.01.2012, p.100/101.
      2. ENAR (2012). ENAR Shadow Report 2010-2011: Racism and related discriminatory practices in Germany, http://cms.horus.be/files/99935/MediaArchive/publications/shadow%20report%202010-11/10.%20Germany%20%282%29.pdf, Accessed on 28.03.2012.
      3. Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, BAMF) (2008), Daten zu Wohnverhältnissen und innerstädtischer Segregation von Migranten, Working Paper 21, http://www.bamf.de/SharedDocs/Anlagen/DE/Publikationen/WorkingPapers/wp21-wohnen-innerstaedtische-segregation.pdf?__blob=publicationFile , Accessed on 12.12.2011, p. 58/59.
      4. Friedrichs, Jürgen (2008), Ethnische Segregation, in: Kalter, Frank (ed.): Migration und Integration. VS Verlag: Wiesbaden, 380-411.
        Sachverständigenrat deutscher Stiftungen für Integration und Migration (SVR) (2010), Einwanderungsgesellschaft 2010: Jahresgutachten 2010 mit Integrationsbarometer, http://www.svr-migration.de/content/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/svr_jg_2010.pdf, Accessed on 23.01.2012.
      5. Schönwälder, Karen/ Söhn, Janina (2007),  Siedlungsstrukturen von Migrantengruppen in Deutschland: Schwerpunkte der Ansiedlung und innerstädtische Konzentrationen,  Discussion Paper no. SP IV 2007-601, http://bibliothek.wzb.eu/pdf/2007/iv07-601.pdf, Accessed on 03.01.2012, p. 1, 8-10.
      6. Farwick, Andreas (2012): “Segregation”; In: Handbuch Stadtsoziologie; Eckhard, Frank (editor); Springer: p. 381-419. available: http://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007%2F978-3-531-94112-7_18, Accessed on 23.01.2013.
      7. Sürig, I. and Wilmes, M. (2011) ‘Die Integration der zweiten Generation in Deutschland Ergebnisse der TIES-Studie zur türkischen und jugoslawischen Einwanderung’, Osnabrück, Institute for Migration Research and Intercultural Studies (Institut für Migrationsforschung und Interkulturelle Studien, IMIS), Vol. 39/2011, p. 140, available at: http://www.imis.uni-osnabrueck.de/pdffiles/imis39.pdf, Accessed on 25.01.2013.

       

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Housing
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • What is the ethnic origin of the highly segregated migrant group?

      The report by the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, BAMF) states that persons of Turkish origin constitute the highest segregated migrant group in Germany.

      Qualitative Info

      The report by the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, BAMF) states that persons of Turkish origin constitute the highest segregated migrant group in Germany followed by persons from the former Soviet Union [1, p.58/59]. These results refer to a study in 2007 of a Berlin-based institute (Arbeitsstelle für Interkulturelle Konflikte und gesellschaftliche Integration am Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin, AKI) and to a study based on datasets of the Microcensus 2006, which is provided by the Federal Statistical Office (Statistisches Bundesamt, Destatis).
      Another study indicates, that approximately one third of Turkish foreigners live in city districts where the proportion of persons of Turkish origin is twice as high as the average proportion in the whole city [3, 194 ff.]. In earlier studies, persons of Greek origin were amongst the highest segregated groups [2, p. 404].
      All studies fail to take German nationals with migrant background into account. This shortcoming may lead to an underestimation of ethnic segregation in Germany.

      The DIW report 2010 confirms that Turkish migrants are the highest segregated group and lies by about 210 per cent, that of Italian migrants by about 150 per cent, that of Eastern Europeans (Poland and former USSR) by about 130 per cent, and that of the Balkan by about 100 per cent. In comparison, Western Europeans show a deviation of only about 10 per cent [4].
      Further, with regard to the second generation of migrants, the so-called TIES-Study published in 2011 indicates that significant levels of housing segregation can be noticed among the second generation of Turks and, to a lesser extent, among persons from former Yugoslavia [5].


       

      Source:

      1. Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, BAMF) (2008), Daten zu Wohnverhältnissen und innerstädtischer Segregation von Migranten, Working Paper 21, http://www.bamf.de/SharedDocs/Anlagen/DE/Publikationen/WorkingPapers/wp21-wohnen-innerstaedtische-segregation.pdf?__blob=publicationFile, Accessed on 12.12.2011.
      2. Friedrichs, Jürgen (2008), Ethnische Segregation, in: Kalter, Frank (ed.): Migration und Integration. VS Verlag: Wiesbaden, 380-411.
      3. Sachverständigenrat deutscher Stiftungen für Integration und Migration (SVR) (2010), Einwanderungsgesellschaft 2010: Jahresgutachten 2010 mit Integrationsbarometer, http://www.svr-migration.de/content/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/svr_jg_2010.pdf, Accessed on 23.01.2012.
      4. DIW Wochenbericht (Nr. 49/2010): http://www.diw.de/documents/publikationen/73/diw_01.c.364396.de/10-49.pdf, Accessed on 23.01.2013.
      5. Sürig, I. and Wilmes, M. (2011) ‘Die Integration der zweiten Generation in Deutschland Ergebnisse der TIES-Studie zur türkischen und jugoslawischen Einwanderung’, Osnabrück, Institute for Migration Research and Intercultural Studies (Institut für Migrationsforschung und Interkulturelle Studien, IMIS), Vol. 39/2011, p. 140, available at: http://www.imis.uni-osnabrueck.de/pdffiles/imis39.pdf, Accessed on 25.01.2013.

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Housing
      • Integration - social cohesion
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Is there evidence of significant levels of segregation between minority groups and the majority population?

      Qualitative Info

      As statistical data do not ascertain information on ethnicity, it is difficult to provide clear figures on Sinti and Roma as well as on other minority groups in Germany. Due to the data situation, it is impossible to give quantitative statements on housing conditions and levels of segregation of minorities.
      Nevertheless, some analyses of non-representative qualitative data show that Sinti and Roma live more often in outskirts of larger cities, which often have a poorer infrastructure, or in socially disadvantaged neighbourhoods. Further, the areas, where Sinti and Roma live, are partly situated in an environmentally problematic area (e.g. industrial zones, close to train tracks etc.). Besides social and economic factors, discrimination (for example due to anti-Roma prejudices) also seems to be a factor for disadvantaged housing situations [3, p. 6].


       

      Source:

      1. Hieronymus, Andreas/ Fögen, Ines/ Mehreoglu, Yücel/ Kröger, Justin, ENAR Shadow report 2009/2010 - Racism and Discrimination in Germany, http://cms.horus.be/files/99935/MediaArchive/Germany.pdf, Accessed on 05.01.2012, p. 12.
      2. Federal Ministry of the Interior (Bundesministerium des Innern, BMI) (2011), EU-Rahmen für nationale Strategien zur Integration der Roma bis 2020 – Integrierte Maßnahmenpakete zur Integration und Teilhabe der Sinti und Roma in Deutschland, p. 12.
      3. Peucker, Mario (2009), Raxen Thematic Study - Housing Conditions of Sinti and Roma, http://fra.europa.eu/fraWebsite/attachments/RAXEN-Roma%20Housing-Germany_en.pdf , Accessed on 04.01.2012, p.4-6, 34.
      4. Sachverständigenrat deutscher Stiftungen für Integration und Migration (SVR) (2010), Einwanderungsgesellschaft 2010: Jahresgutachten 2010 mit Integrationsbarometer, http://www.svr-migration.de/content/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/svr_jg_2010.pdf, Accessed on 23.01.2012.

      Groups affected/interested

      • Roma & Travelers

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Housing
      • Integration - social cohesion
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • What is the ethnic origin of the highly segregated minority group?

      Qualitative Info

      As statistical data do not ascertain information on ethnicity, it is difficult to provide clear figures on Sinti and Roma as well as on other minority groups in Germany. But some non-representative surveys show that ethnically segregated Sinti and Roma neighbourhoods have emerged in several cities. Thereby, ethnic segregation (contrary to socio-economic segregation) is sometimes sought by the Sinti and Roma community itself [2, p. 6/34].


       

      Source:

      1. Federal Ministry of the Interior (Bundesministerium des Innern, BMI) (2011), EU-Rahmen für nationale Strategien zur Integration der Roma bis 2020 – Integrierte Maßnahmenpakete zur Integration und Teilhabe der Sinti und Roma in Deutschland, p. 12.
      2. Peucker, Mario (2009), Raxen Thematic Study - Housing Conditions of Sinti and Roma, http://fra.europa.eu/fraWebsite/attachments/RAXEN-Roma%20Housing-Germany_en.pdf, Accessed on 04.01.2012, p.4-6/34.

      Groups affected/interested

      • Roma & Travelers

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Housing
      • Integration - social cohesion
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Is there evidence of denial of housing/housing rights for certain ethnic groups?

      No.

      Qualitative Info

      In general, migrants have equal access to the housing market in Germany. Exceptions are made with migrant groups who were accommodated in collective centres from the beginning of their stay in Germany.
      Ethnic German immigrants, who were assigned to a certain place of residence by the authorities, are not obliged anymore to take up the assigned residence after the Residence Allocation Act (Wohnortzuweisungsgesetz) expired in 2009.


       

      Source:

      1. Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, BAMF) (2008), Daten zu Wohnverhältnissen und innerstädtischer Segregation von Migranten, Working Paper 21, http://www.bamf.de/SharedDocs/Anlagen/DE/Publikationen/WorkingPapers/wp21-wohnen-innerstaedtische-segregation.pdf?__blob=publicationFile, Accessed on 12.12.2011, p. 22.
      2. Peucker, Mario (2010), Racism and Ethnic Discrimination in Germany – Update Report 2010, p. 13.

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants
      • Refugees
      • Roma & Travelers
      • Ethnic minorities
      • Religious minorities
      • Linguistic minorities
      • Asylum seekers
      • National minorities

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Housing
      See other countriesSee indicator history
  • Education

    There remains a gap between the level of education of persons with and without a migration background. Even considering the social status, pupils with a migration background are less represented in higher secondary education and more in lower secondary education compared to pupils without a migration background.
    Some schools show a high proportion of pupils with a migration background, if the school is located in socially disadvantaged neighbourhood.

    • Evidence of school segregation and/or policies of separate/distinct schooling of migrants

      Yes.

      Qualitative Info

      There are no policies of separate schooling of migrants in place. However, due to the fact that some city districts hold a high percentage of persons with a migration background, schools close or within these districts also hold a high percentage of pupils with a migration background. Disadvantaged neighbourhoods are rather caused by social segregation than by ethnic segregation, thus, school segregation is rather caused by social segregation of certain neighbourhoods [3, p. 390, 392, 404]. Another factor which decisively contributes to the fact that some schools hold a very low proportion of pupils with a migration background compared to others is the so called “Sprengelpflicht”. This means that pupils are supposed to visit the school which is located in the school district they live in. This applies to primary school, not to secondary school [4, p. 142].
      Subsequently, the proportion of pupils with migration background in schools reflects the social segregation of the neighbourhoods and thus the social segregation of the schools [1, p. 84].
      Additionally, as nationals and non-nationals are concerned about their children’s education which they assume to be better in schools with fewer migrants, they try to move to other more favourable districts [2, p. 58 ff.).

      A study on segregation at primary schools examined  the parents’ choice concerning where to enrol their children (as was already stated above, pupils are supposed to visit the school which is located in the school district they live in but there are also possibilities for parents to avoid it when they suppose other schools to offer better educational conditions). This selective choice of the parents causes a bias (according to the district distribution) in the proportion of children with and without a migration background [5].

      The German education system lacks to deal adequately with the social and ethnical heterogeneity. Even with the same social status, pupils with a migration background are less represented in higher secondary education and more in lower secondary education compared to pupils without migration background [1, p. 87].


      Source:

      1. Federal Office for Migration, Refugees and Integration (Bundesamt für Migration, Flüchtlinge und Integration) (2010), 8. Bericht der Beauftragten der Bundesregierung für Migration, Flüchtlinge und Integration über die Lage der Ausländerinnen und Ausländer in Deutschland, June 2010, http://www.bundesregierung.de/Content/DE/_Anlagen/2010/2010-07-07-langfassung-lagebericht-ib.pdf?__blob=publicationFile, Accessed on 9 February 2012.
      2. Häußermann, Hartmut /Siebel, Walter (2001). Soziale Integration und ethnische Schichtung: Zusammenhänge zwischen räumlicher und sozialer Integration, http://www.schader-stiftung.de/docs/haeussermann_siebel_gutachten.pdf, Accessed on 23.01.2012.
      3. Friedrichs, Jürgen (2008), Ethnische Segregation, in: Kalter, Frank (ed.): Migration und Integration. VS Verlag: Wiesbaden, 380-411.
      4. Link, Judith (2011), Schichttypische Benachteiligung im allgemeinen Bildungswesen: Ein Vergleich zwischen Kanada und Deutschland. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag.
      5. Segregation an Grundschulen – Der Einfluss der elterlichen Schulwahl (2012): http://www.svr-migration.de/content/wp-content/uploads/2012/11/Segregation_an_Grundschulen_SVR-FB_WEB.pdf, Accessed on 11.01.2013.

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Education
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Evidence of school segregation and/or policies of separate/distinct schooling of minorities

      Qualitative Info

      There are no policies of separate schooling of migrants in place. However, due to the fact that some city districts hold a high percentage of persons with a migration background, schools close or within these districts also hold a high percentage of pupils with a migration background. Disadvantaged neighbourhoods are rather caused by social segregation than by ethnic segregation [3, pp. 390, 392, 404], thus, school segregation is rather caused by social segregation of certain neighbourhoods. Another factor which decisively contributes to the fact that some schools hold a very low proportion of pupils with a migration background compared to others is the so called “Sprengelpflicht”. This means that pupils are supposed to visit the school which is located in the school district they live in. This applies to primary school, not to secondary school [4, p. 142].
      Subsequently, the proportion of pupils with migration background in schools reflects the social segregation of the neighbourhoods and thus the social segregation of the schools [1, p. 84).
      Additionally, as nationals and non-nationals are concerned about their children’s education which they assume to be better in schools with fewer migrants, they try to move to other more favourable districts [2, p. 58 ff.].
      The German education system lacks to deal adequately with the social and ethnical heterogeneity. Even with the same social status, pupils with a migration background are less represented in higher secondary education and more in lower secondary education compared to pupils without migration background [1, p. 87].

      Results of studies show, that there are some obstacles for Sinti and Roma children to gain access to the education system. Concerning kindergartens/pre-schooling their legal status can hinder Sinti and Roma children accessing the education system. Being classified as “tolerated” or asylum-seeker they have either no or just a limited access to kindergartens. Furthermore the families have to pay a part of the fee themselves as just a certain proportion of the costs is paid by the municipalities. The compulsory school attendance (which starts at the primary schools) is not in every single Land obligatory for asylum seekers’ or refugees’ children. In some Länder they have to attend school in others they just have the right to do so. It is further argued that Sinti and Roma children are overrepresented in special supportive schools and promoting schools. Reasons supposed are their lack of German language skills and the deficiency of parental or governmental support.


      Source:

      1. Federal Office for Migration, Refugees and Integration (Bundesamt für Migration, Flüchtlinge und Integration) (2010), 8. Bericht der Beauftragten der Bundesregierung für Migration, Flüchtlinge und Integration über die Lage der Ausländerinnen und Ausländer in Deutschland, June 2010, http://www.bundesregierung.de/Content/DE/_Anlagen/2010/2010-07-07-langfassung-lagebericht-ib.pdf?__blob=publicationFile, Accessed on 9 February 2012.
      2. Häußermann, Hartmut /Siebel, Walter (2001). Soziale Integration und ethnische Schichtung: Zusammenhänge zwischen räumlicher und sozialer Integration, http://www.schader-stiftung.de/docs/haeussermann_siebel_gutachten.pdf, Accessed on 23.01.2012.
      3. Friedrichs, Jürgen (2008), Ethnische Segregation, in: Kalter, Frank (ed.): Migration und Integration. VS Verlag: Wiesbaden, 380-411.
      4. Link, Judith (2011), Schichttypische Benachteiligung im allgemeinen Bildungswesen: Ein Vergleich zwischen Kanada und Deutschland. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag.
      5. Strauß, D. (2011), Studie zur aktuellen Bildungssituation deutscher Sinti und Roma. Dokumentation und Forschungsbericht, Marburg: I-Verb.de und RomnoKher.
      6. Zentrum für Antisemitismusforschung der Technischen Universität Berlin (2007), Zur Lage von Kindern aus Roma-Familien in Deutschland: Zusammenfassung der Ergebnisse, Berlin: UNICEF Deutschland.
      7. Presse- und Informationsamt der Bundesregierung 2010.
      8. Knaus, V. and Widmann, P. (2010), Integration unter Vorbehalt: Zur Situation von Kindern kosovarischer Roma, Ashkali und Ägypter in Deutschland und nach ihrer Rückführung in den Kosovo, Köln: Deutsches Komitee für UNICEF e.V.

      Groups affected/interested

      • Ethnic minorities
      • National minorities

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Education
      See other countriesSee indicator history
  • Health And Social Protection

    Due to their often lower social status, particular migrant groups deal with health issues resulting from physically and psychologically stressful work and living situations. Furthermore, migrants show a higher risk of psycho-social burdens caused by traumatic events in the country of origin (for example torture) or during the migration process. Especially older migrants show a comparatively worse state of health and higher need for care.

  • Public Life, Culture, Sport & Media

    Despite the lack of official statistics, there is a broad consensus that migrants are under-represented as media representatives as well as as members of and, even more so, as volunteers and officials in sport clubs.

    • Media: Is there a visible presence (or absence) of members of target groups as media professionals?

      Media professionals with a migration background are highly underrepresented.

      Qualitative Info

      Journalists with a migration background are highly underrepresented in Germany. According to a nation-wide study in 2009, 84 per cent of all daily newspapers have no journalists with a migration background employed. Furthermore, only 1 per cent of all newspaper journalists have a migration background. The largest migrant groups are from Turkey (20 per cent), Poland (11 per cent) and Spain (9 per cent). It can be assumed that the public service broadcasters have a higher percentage of journalists with a migration background than the newspapers [1,2,3].

      A report on the media usage of migrants in Germany (2010), shows very low numbers of people with migration background working in the media industry (as editors, journalist ect.). Depending on the single migrant groups their share in the media business varies between 0.3 per cent and 3.0 per cent [4].

      Estimates suggest that only 2 to 3 per cent of journalists have a migration background [5, p.45].


      Source:

       

      1. Rainer Geißler, Kristina Enders und Verena Reuter (2009), Ergebnisse der empirischen Studie zur Beteiligung von Journalisten mit Migrationshintergrund in den deutschen Printmedien, http://www.integration-und-medien.de/projekt/JmMPrint.pdf, Accessed on 20.02.2012.
      2. Rainer Geißler (2011), Welchen Beitrag leisten die Massenmedien zur Integration von Migranten? Forschungsbefunde zu Deutschland. Vortrag auf den Nürnberger Tagen zur Integration am 19. Mai 2011, http://www.bamf.de/SharedDocs/Anlagen/DE/Downloads/Infothek/Integration/Veranstaltungen/20110519-ntfi/20110801-ntfi-geissler-vortrag.pdf;jsessionid=196090C6EF3D0E5A4EC8E971174F2B3B.1_cid251?__blob=publicationFile, Accessed on 20.02.2012.
      3. Beauftragte für Migration, Flüchtlinge und Integration (2007), Nationaler Integrationsplan. Arbeitsgruppe Medien – Vielfalt nutzen. Abschlussbericht, http://www.migration-online.de/data/ag_6_medien_endbericht.pdf, Accessed on 20.02.2012.
      4. Mediennutzung von Migranten in Deutschland (2010), Federal Ministry of Migration and Refugees (Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge): http://www.bamf.de/SharedDocs/Anlagen/DE/Publikationen/WorkingPapers/wp34-mediennutzung-von-migranten.pdf?__blob=publicationFile, Accessed on 21.01.2013.
      5. ENAR (2012). ENAR Shadow Report 2010-2011: Racism and related discriminatory practices in Germany, http://cms.horus.be/files/99935/MediaArchive/publications/shadow%20report%202010-11/10.%20Germany%20%282%29.pdf, Accessed on 28.03.2012.
      •  

      Groups affected/interested

      • Migrants

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Media
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Media: Frequency and relevance of hate speech incidents in public life (and media) and media representations against migrants and minorities?

      There is a high relevance of hate speech incidents in public life and media.

      Qualitative Info

      According to the Amadeu Antonio foundation, who continuously monitors media reports and other relevant sources and compiles a permanently updated chronology of anti-Semitic incidents, counted 53 incidents of verbal threats, harassment and hate speech in 2009 (2008: 85). Among those, there were eight cases of incitement to hatred.
      The expert group Arbeitsstelle Rechtsextremismus und Gewalt [Right-wing Extremism and Violence; ARUG] at the Bildungsvereinigung Arbeit und Leben [Education Association Work and Life] presented two non-exhaustive chronologies, one on anti-Semitic incidents and one on right-wing violence that were reported about by the media in 2009. The chronology on anti-Semitic offences in 2009 lists 132 incidents with 140 separate offences, i.e. in some cases more than one offence was committed. 80 offences fell within the category of verbal threats and hate speech (including incitement to hatred), partly from right-wing extremist political parties. The ARUG chronology on right-wing violence in 2009 lists 249 such incidents with 295 individual offences, among those 34 cases of incitement to hatred (verbal threats and hate speech). 63 of the 249 cases seemed to be primarily committed with a racist motivation; Islamophobia plays a subordinate role (three cases). In 95 cases the offences targeted people considered political opponents.

      According to the latest monitoring reports of both CERD and ECRI racist expression and hate speech on the internet plays an important role in Germany. According to ECRI, a high proportion of racist expression via the internet stems from extreme right-wing and neo-Nazi groups; ‘their targets are most often Roma/Sinti or members of the Jewish community’ [3].


      The Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (VerfS) also stated that the internet continues to be an important platform for right-wing extremists. With approximately 1,000 right-wing extremist websites run by Germans, the numbers of these websites has remained at a remarkably high level, as it has in the last few years. Furthermore, 33 internet radio stations with right-wing extremist (partly legally banned) music were identified by the VerfS in 2011. The VerfS counted 131 right-wing extremist concerts in 2011 (2010: 128), with an average of 150 visitors (2010: 130). The number of active right-wing extremist bands, i.e. those that recorded a CD or played at concerts, increased from 165 (2010) to 178 in 2011.
      In addition, the number of right-wing extremist periodicals slightly increased from 81 in 2010 to 85 in 2011 [6].
       


      Sources:

      1. A. Maegerle (2010) Rechte Gewalt in Deutschland 2009. Eine Chronik,  http://arug.de/index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_download&gid=48&Itemid=133, Accessed on 20.02.2012.
      2. A. Maegerle (2010) Antisemitismus in Deutschland 2009. Eine Chronik, http://www.migration-online.de/data/arug_antisemitismus_chronik_2009.pdf, Accessed on 20.02.2012.
      3. ECRI (2009) ECRI Report on Germany (fourth monitoring cycle), available at: http://hudoc.ecri.coe.int/XMLEcri/ENGLISH/Cycle_04/04_CbC_eng/DEU-CbC-IV-2009-019-ENG.pdf, Accessed on 20.02.2012.
      4. Bundesministerium des Innern (2011), Verfassungsschutzbericht 2010, http://www.verfassungsschutz.de/download/SHOW/vsbericht_2010.pdf, Accessed on 20.02.2012.
      5. Bundesministerium des Innern (2010), Verfassungsschutzbericht 2009, http://www.verfassungsschutz.de/download/SAVE/vsbericht_2009.pdf, Accessed on 24.01.2012.
      6. Bundesministerium des Innern (2012), Verfassungsschutzbericht 2011, http://www.verfassungsschutz.de/download/SHOW/vsbericht_2011.pdf, Accessed on 24.01.2013.

       

      Type (R/D)

      • Extremism - organised Racist Violence
      • Anti-migrant/xenophobia
      • Anti-semitism
      • Islamophobia

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Media
      • Internet
      • Daily life
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Sport: Racism, racist violence and hate speech in sporting venues (and reporting and policing thereof)?

      Yes, there are incidents of racism, racist violence and hate speech in sporting venues. In Germany, racism, xenophobia and anti-semitism in sports are predominately perceived as problems in football.

       

      Qualitative Info

      Various incidents and expert assessments indicate a strong connection between racism and right-wing extremism in football, particularly in amateur football. The most pressing problem of racism, xenophobia and anti-semitism in amateur football are the numerous cases of racist misconduct of fans and spectators against players and/or fans of the opposing team. Most affected by these various incidents are, on the individual level, players with dark skin and/or a non-German background as well as, on the team level, migrant football clubs, which are nowadays mostly characterised by a multi-ethnic mix of players.

      Furthermore, sport federations, fan organisations and other experts have been warning that neo-Nazi and other right-wing extremist organisations have been systematically using football and other sports for their political agitation, recruitment and related purposes – beyond their sole involvement as fans and/or hooligans.


      Source:

      Peucker Mario (2009), Racism, xenophobia and structural discrimination in sports, Country Report Germany, http://www.efms.uni-bamberg.de/pdf/RACISM_in_SPORT_2010.pdf


       

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Sport
      See other countriesSee indicator history
    • Sport: Is hate speech ground for sanctions to sport clubs and applied/applicable in practice?

      Yes. However, while legally binding regulations are rare, there are various non-binding declarations that condemn racism in sport.

      Qualitative Info

      Legally binding regulations preventing racism, anti-Semitism and ethnic discrimination in sport are not very common in Germany – with the main exception being the area of football and the general anti-discrimination act (AGG). There are various non-binding declarations and position papers of various political actors and sport federations that condemn racism in sport. In addition, some national sport federations have explicit anti-racism paragraphs in their statutes. Neither the national handball federation (DHB) nor the national athletics federation (DLV) have introduced such explicit articles into their statutes. However, in German handball the anti-racism provisions of the international and European handball federations are directly applicable, and in athletics, all DLV coaches are obliged to comply with principles of non-discrimination and neutrality according to a “codex of honour” which is a binding element of their work contracts.

      In football, there are several regulations in place that aim at combating or preventing racist developments. Several relevant provisions have been introduced by the German Football
      Federation (DFB). In addition to an article in the DFB’s statutes that emphasises the federation’s commitment against racism, xenophobia and discrimination, the DFB enhanced its binding provisions on sanctioning players and football clubs for racist or discriminatory behaviour of their fans, players, officials and other members (Rechts- und Verfahrensordnung). These amendments of 2006 were introduced in compliance with the respective FIFA requirements. The DFB also incorporated an anti-racism paragraph in their non-binding model provisions on security in football stadiums (Musterstadienordnung), which seeks to assist clubs in implementing regulations that ban the display and expression of racist, xenophobic or discriminatory slogans or symbols in the stadiums. Also with the aim to enhance security in stadiums, the DFB has passed a binding decree according to which people who, for instance, express racist and discriminatory slogans or display such symbols in the stadium are to be temporarily banned from all stadiums across the country. Another significant regulation in football is the DFB Ten Point Plan against Racism. Adopted in 1998, it offers – similar to the UEFA Ten Point Plan – federations and clubs practical, but non-binding recommendations on how to prevent and combat racism in football at the ground level.

       

      Sources

      1. http://www.efms.uni-bamberg.de/pdf/RACISM_in_SPORT_2010.pdf, Accessed on 22.01.2013.
      2. Geisterspiel als Bestrafung (2012): http://www.das-parlament.de/2012/29-31/Themenausgabe/39830796.html, Accessed on 22.01.2013.
         

      Key socio-economic / Institutional Areas

      • Sport

      External Url http://www.efms.uni-bamberg.de/pdf/RACISM_in_SPORT_2010.pdf

      See other countriesSee indicator history